Married women's labor supply and economic development: Evidence from Sri Lankan household data

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/rode.12581
Published date01 May 2019
AuthorPrathi Seneviratne
Date01 May 2019
REGULAR ARTICLE
Married women's labor supply and economic
development: Evidence from Sri Lankan household
data
Prathi Seneviratne
Carleton College, Northfield, Minnesota
Correspondence
Prathi Seneviratne, Carleton College, 1
College Street, Northfield, MN 55057.
Email: pseneviratne@carleton.edu
Abstract
Women's labor supply in Sri Lanka has increased steadily
since the early 1990s following economic reforms, but
remains well below the level predicted by nationalincome, a
feature shared by a number of Asian and Latin American
countries that have undergone similar reforms and economic
growth. To understand the microeconomic determinants of
women's work in Sri Lanka's growing economy, this paper
estimates a binarychoice model of married women's labor
supply using household survey data spanning a 23year per-
iod. Decomposition and cohort analysis reveal that women
have been drawn into the workforce through fa lling fertility
rates, rising tertiary education, and declining income effects
among younger generations, but other factors have under-
mined this positive trend. Educational attainment reduces
married women's labor supply except at the tertiary level,
consistent with social stigmas associated with married
women in nonwhitecollar employment. The strict sectoral
segregation of married women by education level supports
this hypothesis. In addition, growth hasbeen concentrated in
lowskilled sectors with selfemployment more prevalent,
reducing employment prospects of educated women and
prompting their labor force withdrawal. This suggests it is
the structure of economic development, rather than speed,
that matters for women's labor force activity.
KEYWORDS
female labour supply, economic development, education, Sri Lanka,
decomposition
DOI: 10.1111/rode.12581
Rev Dev Econ. 2019;23:975999. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/rode © 2019 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
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INTRODUCTION
Women's participation in the labor market has been receiving greater attention in the literature.
Pioneering research by Ester Boserup and Claudia Goldin sought to understand women's labor
market status in the context of economic development (Boserup, 1970; Goldin, 1995). They theo-
rized that the initial transition from agrarian to industrial societies reduces market opportunities for
women, prompting their withdrawal from economic activity. Further economic development
reverses this trend as female education catches up to men's, fertility declines, jobs become avail-
able for women in modern, whitecollarsectors, and social norms evolve towards greater accep-
tance of women in paid employment. Their hypothesis predicts a Ushaped relationship between
female labor force participation and economic growth.
In line with this theory, female labor force participation rates in advanced industrialized coun-
tries have gradually increased over the last 4 decades and are now among the highest in the world
(ILO, 2017; OECD, 2017). Among emerging economies, however, patterns have been more varied.
In China, female participation rates have fallen rapidly since the early 1990s from their previously
high levels, especially among urban women (Hare, 2016). Participation has steadily declined in
India since the early 1980s, while remaining low and stagnant in Pakistan, the Middle East, and
North Africa (Ejaz, 2007; Lahoti & Swaminathan, 2016; Verme, Barry, & Guennouni, 2016). In
contrast, participation has steadily risen in Bangladesh (Husain, 2016), South Korea (Lee, Jang, &
Sarkar, 2008), Sri Lanka (LFS, 2017) and Taiwan (Cheng & Loichinger, 2017). In Latin America,
too, participation has increased, but remains low in Chile, Mexico and Nicaragua (Contreras &
Plaza, 2010).
These inconsistencies are a puzzle given these countriesshared experiences with structural
transition. In the latter part of the 20th century, developing countries implemented liberal economic
reforms and have become more integrated with the rest of the world. Ensuing economic growth
accompanied structural change that included declining fertility rates, gains in female education,
and a growing share of services in gross domestic product (GDP) (World Bank, 2017). The U
shape hypothesis says these changes should have had a predictable impact on female participation.
Yet, this theory was developed by observing groups of countries at a given point in time, rather
than a single country over its full development trajectory. Such crosssectional analyses mask
important information at the micro level. A small but growing body of countryspecific studies has
revealed a host of factors at the household, local and national levels that influence women's labor
market outcomes: these include marriage and household composition, local labor demand condi-
tions, geographic mobility, cultural norms, and institutional arrangements governing employment
and childcare.
This paper contributes to the microeconomic literature by analyzing the determinants and trends
of female labor force participation in Sri Lanka over the period 1992 to 2014. The study is impor-
tant for several reasons. First, Sri Lanka and its South Asian neighbors implemented broad eco-
nomic reforms in the early 1990s, bringing rapid growth and structural change to the region. Yet,
female participation has steadily risen in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, while remaining low and stag-
nant in India and Pakistan. Identifying explanatory factors within historical and social context will
help policymakers appropriately target groups marginalized from the development process. Studies
show greater female employment generates productivity growth (World Bank, 2012), increases
women's bargaining power, and improves children's health and education (Luke & Munshi, 2011;
Lundberg, Pollak, & Wales, 1997; Majlesi, 2016; Qian, 2008), thereby setting the stage for futur e
growth. Yet, this topic has received little attention in the South Asian context.
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SENEVIRATNE

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