Mall Cop or Robocop? The Political Determinants of Police Militarization in Brazil
| Published date | 01 December 2024 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/10659129241268816 |
| Author | Juan Albarracín,Lucía Tiscornia |
| Date | 01 December 2024 |
Article
Political Research Quarterly
2024, Vol. 77(4) 1381–1396
© The Author(s) 2024
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/10659129241268816
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Mall Cop or Robocop? The Political
Determinants of Police Militarization in
Brazil
Juan Albarrac´
ın
1
and Luc´
ıa Tiscornia
2
Abstract
Police militarization is prevalent worldwide. Despite growing interest in the consequences of militarization, few studies
focus on its causes. Through the case of Brazilian municipal police forces, we explorethe connection between partisan
ideology and police militarization. Some research shows that leftist administrations in democracies are more likely to
emphasize human rights and less likely to militarize the police. However, leftist administrations might militarize police
forces more than centrist and right-wing parties to compensate for perceptions of lower competence to deal with
security issues, especially when they face high levels of violent crime. Using inverse probabilityof treatment weights, we
show an association between leftist mayors and higher militarization of municipal police forces. Furthermore, in contexts
of high homicide rates, mayors of Brazil’s leading leftist party, the Workers’Party, tend to militarize local police more
than others.
Keywords
police militarization, Brazil, issue ownership, parties, public security
From the incorporation of military materials and tactics in
the police,
1
to the domestic deployment of military units
and socialization processes, the militarization of internal
security has become common across the world. Examples
of this phenomenon are present in countries as diverse as
the Philippines (Kenny and Holmes 2020), South Africa
(Lamb 2018), or Mexico (Espinosa and Rubin 2015).
Recent research suggests that militarizing internal security
can lead to an increased likelihood of abuse by security
forces (Espinosa and Rubin 2015;Flores-Macias and
Zarkin 2024;Magaloni and Rodriguez 2020) without
reductions in crime or violence (Muggah, Garzón, and
Su´
arez, 2018;Mummolo 2018). In the United States, for
example, there is increasing scrutiny of how the growing
militarization of police departments is related to excessive
use of force (Delehanty et al., 2017;Gunderson et al.,
2021) and the violent repression of individuals based on
their race (Ross 2015). In Latin America, many countries
have militarized public security provision (Flores-Mac´
ıas
and Zarkin 2021).
Despite the prevalence of militarization and its per-
nicious consequences, we know very little about its
causes. In this paper, we focus on police militarization—
the process whereby police come to resemble the military
in the use of materials, tactics, and norms (Go 2023;
Magaloni and Rodriguez 2020;Mummolo 2018;
Tiscornia 2024)—as a phenomenon that, although related,
is distinct from the use of the military for public security
provision. Specifically, we explore the political determi-
nants of police militarization and the limitations of
electoral processes as mechanisms for police reform.
Theoretical explanations for the causes of the milita-
rization of public security in democratic contexts mostly
treat it as a policy response to the rise in violent criminal
organizations (Magaloni and Rodriguez 2020) and crime
victimization more generally (Visconti 2020). Other
research suggests that increases in militarization are the
result of authoritarian policy preferences of right-leaning
governments (Holland 2013). Following these arguments,
1
University of Illinois Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA
2
University College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland
Corresponding Author:
Juan Albarrac´
ın, Department of Political Science, University of Illinois
Chicago, 1007 West Harrison St., Office 1110 BSB, Chicago, IL 60607,
USA.
Email: jgalba@uic.edu
one might expect right-wing governments to increase
police militarization, and leftist ones to decrease it and
emphasize the respect of human rights in policing. Not
surprisingly, advocates of criminal justice and police
reform often promote the election of progressive politi-
cians as a strategy to curtail abusive police practices and
reform police forces. Yet, research demonstrates that left-
leaning governments are no less likely to militarize the
police than their counterparts (Davis 2006;Durazo-
Herrmann 2017;Muller 2017). Building on theories of
issue ownership, we develop and test an explanation of
militarization resulting from lack of ownership of security
issues. We argue that left-leaning politicians, often per-
ceived as less capable to deal with security threats (Green
and Hobolt 2008), are forced to signal their competence in
this area by militarizing police more than non-leftist
politicians, especially in contexts of high levels of vio-
lent crime where security is a central issue.
We focus on the case of Brazilian municipal police
forces and their growing importance in public security as
our source of evidence. Previous studies have centered on
Brazilian state police forces and their entrenched mili-
tarized logic. This logic relies on perceptions of citizens as
threats (Magaloni and Rodriguez 2020), and it emphasizes
the control, and often elimination, of social groups his-
torically conceived as “enemies”of social order: slaves,
political dissidents, the poor, and Afro-Brazilians
(Machado 2014). These historical roots crystalized in
bureaucratic structures, making state police forces diffi-
cult to reform (Gonz´
alez 2020). However, municipal
police bureaucracies are less entrenched, which gives
local politicians more leeway to implement policing
policies and practices that conform to their and their
voters’preferences.
Brazilian leftist political forces have been associated
with a rhetoric and policy preferences that emphasize
respect for human rights and police reform. During and
after democratization, center-left and centrist forces were
committed to the defense of human rights as a pillar of
Brazilian democracy. While their ideological commitment
might create the expectation that leftist parties are asso-
ciated with lower levels of police militarization at the
municipal level, we argue that they will militarize local
police more than right-wing or centrist parties to com-
pensate for perceptions of lower competence to deal with
security issues, especially when they face high levels of
violent crime.
We test our hypotheses using municipal-level data
from the Brazilian Institute for Geography and Statistics’
(IBGE) Municipal Information Dataset (MUNIC).
MUNIC compiles data on whether a municipal police
force (Guarda Municipal) exists in a given year, how long
it has existed, whether it uses weapons (lethal and non-
lethal), and other characteristics of its training and
operations. We exploit the availability of time-series
cross-sectional data and employ inverse probability of
treatment weights (IPTW) to achieve covariate balance
between treated and untreated observations while
avoiding post-treatment bias (Blackwell 2013). With this
pre-processed sample, we test the effect of electing a leftist
mayor on the training and functions of the municipal
police. After balancing on relevant covariates, our results
show that having a leftist mayor increases the degree of
militarization of the municipal police. Leftist mayors, in
particular mayors of the Workers’Party (PT), are more
likely to promote actions that improve police capacity for
the use of violence and the violent regulation of social
conflict, especially when they face high homicide rates.
This behavior is striking since other studies have shown
that belonging to a leftist party is a significant predictor of
the enactment of progressive social policies and demo-
cratic practices at the municipal level (Sugiyama 2008).
Historically, voters have associated these policies with PT.
However, when PT politicians are forced to engage with a
salient issue their party does not own, they signal their
commitment to security by militarizing local police forces
more than mayors from other parties.
Our study sheds light on the political determinants of
militarization processes and the limitations of police re-
form carried out by elected officials. Confronted by public
demands for more security, leftist politicians might mil-
itarize police forces, prioritizing electoral success over
their programmatic beliefs. Theoretically, we provide an
argument for the choice of security policy that incorpo-
rates politicians’strategic electoral considerations in
contexts of high criminal violence. We also highlight the
role of local politics in the definition of security policy, an
arena typically left for the national or state level. Em-
pirically, our study of Brazilian municipalities and their
policing policies can provide important evidence about
the role of partisan ideology and issue ownership on
security policies.
In the following section, we define police militarization
and examine how it occurs. We then theorize the limits of
partisan ideology in shaping leftist office holders’choice
to reduce the militarization of police forces. We subse-
quently discuss Brazil’s legacy of police militarization and
municipal governments’increasing involvement in public
security through municipal police forces. Next, we present
our research design, discuss in more detail our outcome of
interest (the level of militarization of municipal police
forces), our independent variable of interest (the presence/
absence of a leftist mayor), and relevant covariates. Since
our initial independent variable might not quite capture
“true”leftist parties, in a second set of analyses, we ex-
plore the impact of having a PT mayor on the level of
police militarization. We conclude with a discussion of the
results and offer some remarks about the limits of electing
1382 Political Research Quarterly 77(4)
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