Machiavelli Against Sovereignty: Emergency Powers and the Decemvirate

Published date01 October 2024
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00905917241226670
AuthorEero Arum
Date01 October 2024
https://doi.org/10.1177/00905917241226670
Political Theory
2024, Vol. 52(5) 697 –725
© The Author(s) 2024
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DOI: 10.1177/00905917241226670
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Article
Machiavelli Against
Sovereignty: Emergency
Powers and the
Decemvirate
Eero Arum1
Abstract
This article argues that Machiavelli’s chapters on the Decemvirate (D
1.35, 1.40-45) advance an internal critique of the juridical discourse of
sovereignty. I first contextualize these chapters in relation to several of
Machiavelli’s potential sources, including Livy’s Ab urbe condita, Dionysius
of Halicarnassus’s Roman Antiquities, and the antiquarian writings of Andrea
Fiocchi and Giulio Pomponio Leto. I then analyze Machiavelli’s claim that
the decemvirs held “absolute authority” (autorità assoluta)—an authority
that was unconstrained by either laws or countervailing magistrates. I
proceed to argue that Machiavelli’s account of the decemvirs’ election
contains a web of allusions to the lex regia, the “royal law” by which the
Roman people were thought to have conveyed their sovereign power
to an emperor. By modeling the decemvirs’ election on the lex regia,
Machiavelli reveals the political limitations of the doctrine of popular
sovereignty; moreover, he illustrates that even free and fair elections can
easily give rise to tyranny.
Keywords
Machiavelli, sovereignty, absolutism, elections, emergency powers
1PhD Student, Department of Political Science, UC Berkeley, Berkeley, CA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Eero Arum, PhD Student, UC Berkeley, 210 Social Sciences Building, Berkeley, CA 94720, USA.
Email: eero.arum@berkeley.edu
1226670PTXXXX10.1177/00905917241226670Political TheoryArum
research-article2024
698 Political Theory 52(5)
1. Mommsen and Krueger 1872, 6.
2. Citations of the Discourses on Livy (hereafter D) indicate passages by book and
chapter number, with reference to Bausi’s Italian edition (Machiavelli 2001).
English translations are based on Mansfield and Tarcov (Machiavelli 1996), with
frequent modifications.
Princeps legibus solutus est.
“The prince is unbound by the laws.”1
—Ulpian, Dig. 1.3.31
[U]n principe sciolto dalle leggi sarà ingrato, vario e imprudente.
“A prince unbound by the laws will be ungrateful, fickle, and imprudent.”
—Machiavelli, Discourses on Livy, 1.582
The past two decades have been marked by a surge of interest in the concep-
tual history of emergency powers (see Agamben 2005 [2003]; Ferejohn and
Pasquino 2004, 211–21; Geuna 2015; Gross and Ni Aoláin 2006; Levinson
and Balkin 2010, 1799–1805; Nippel 2012; Straumann 2016). Following
Schmitt (2014 [1921], 4–7), recent studies often begin with Discourses on
Livy (see Ferejohn and Pasquino 2004, 211; Levinson and Balkin 2010, 1799;
Nippel 2012, 35–36), where Machiavelli argues that “dictatorial authority” is
necessary for the preservation and prosperity of republics (D 1.34). Curiously,
however, the secondary literature tends to omit Machiavelli’s discussion of an
equally important emergency magistracy: the Decemvirate of 451–449 B.C.E.,
an extraordinary commission created for the drafting and enactment of the XII
Tables. This is a notable omission, not only because Machiavelli’s chapters on
the Decemvirate touch upon several crucial themes of his political thought—
including tyranny, constitutional change, and the limits of electoral politics—
but also because a proper treatment of this subject is necessary for understanding
his chapter on the Dictatorship itself. As we will see, these chapters also play
a central role in the broader political project of the Discourses: through his
analysis of the decemvirs’ “absolute authority” (autorità assoluta), Machiavelli
advances an internal critique of the juridical discourse of sovereignty.
Machiavelli develops his views on emergency powers by juxtaposing the
Dictatorship and the Decemvirate. This comparative analysis serves a dual
argumentative function. On the one hand, Machiavelli demonstrates the
need for regularized institutional responses to unpredictable emergencies,
arguing in favor of the “limited authority” (autorità limitate) of the dictators
(D 1.34; see McCormick 1993, esp. 896–98). Conversely, Machiavelli wor-
ries that emergency powers will be abused without adequate constitutional
safeguards; he therefore warns against the model of the Decemvirate, in
which “absolute authority” was bestowed on a committee of patrician

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