Low Self-Control and Perceptions of Procedural Justice Among Urban-Born Youth: The Moderating Role of Officer Intrusiveness

AuthorDylan B. Jackson,Cashen M. Boccio,Alexander Testa,Michael G. Vaughn
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X211049199
Published date01 April 2023
Date01 April 2023
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X211049199
International Journal of
Offender Therapy and
Comparative Criminology
2023, Vol. 67(5) 471 –498
© The Author(s) 2021
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/0306624X211049199
journals.sagepub.com/home/ijo
Article
Low Self-Control and
Perceptions of Procedural
Justice Among Urban-Born
Youth: The Moderating Role
of Officer Intrusiveness
Dylan B. Jackson1, Cashen M. Boccio2,
Alexander Testa2, and Michael G. Vaughn3
Abstract
The current study examines whether the link between low self-control and perceptions
of procedural justice among urban-born youth is contingent on acts of officer
intrusiveness. Data come from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study and
are restricted to youth reporting lifetime police stops at Year 15 (N = 918). Findings
reveal that the association between low self-control and diminished perceptions of
procedural justice is significantly moderated by officer intrusiveness. To be precise,
low self-control became more relevant in diminished perceptions of procedural
justice as officer intrusiveness decreased. The findings carry implications for police-
citizen interactions, including the training of police officers in developmental science
and how low self-control may shape youth perceptions of police encounters.
Keywords
self-control, police, law enforcement, procedural justice, intrusiveness
Introduction
A wealth of previous research indicates that low self-control is one of the most salient
and robust predictors of criminal involvement (Pratt & Cullen, 2000; Vazsonyi et al.,
1Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD, USA
2The University of Texas of San Antonio, USA
3Saint Louis University, MO, USA
Corresponding Author:
Dylan B. Jackson, Department of Population, Family, & Reproductive Health, School of Public Health,
Johns Hopkin Bloomberg, 615 North Wolfe Street, Baltimore, MD 21205, USA.
Email: DylanBakerJackson@gmail.com
1049199IJOXXX10.1177/0306624X211049199International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative CriminologyJackson et al.
research-article2021
472 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 67(5)
2017). Low self-control has been linked to a host of different types of criminal activity
including theft (Baron, 2003), fraud (Holtfreter et al., 2010), and assault (Tittle et al.,
2003). In addition, low self-control has also been connected with engagement in vari-
ous forms of risky and socially undesirable behavior such as risky driving, pathologi-
cal gambling, risky sex, and academic dishonesty (Jones & Quisenberry, 2004;
Paternoster & Brame, 1998). Perhaps not surprisingly, along with the associations
between low self-control, crime, and analogous behaviors, low levels of self-control
have also been linked to contact with the criminal justice system. Previous research
indicates, for instance, that individuals with low levels of self-control are more likely
to (1) be stopped by the police, (2) be stopped multiple times, and (3) be arrested
(Beaver et al., 2009; DeLisi & Berg, 2006; Flexon et al., 2012). Taken together, these
findings suggest that low self-control may be an important precursor to police contact
and arrest.
Similarly, findings from previous research suggest an association between low self-
control and diminished perceptions of procedural justice (Jackson et al., 2020a;
McLean et al., 2019; Reisig et al., 2011; Wolfe, 2011). Procedural justice, in general,
refers to citizens’ perceived fairness and transparency of police contacts (McFarland
et al., 2019). Still, the theoretical conceptualization and measurement of procedural
justice has been subject to debate. For instance, the process-based model drawing from
the work of Tyler (see Tyler, 2004; Tyler & Huo, 2002) contends that people form
perceptions of police legitimacy based on their own judgments of whether police pro-
cedures are fair. To be precise, Tyler (2004) categorizes procedural justice by four
main features: (1) participation—allowing people to participate by explaining their
situations and communicating their views to authorities—(2) neutrality—authorities
are viewed as making unbiased and objective decisions—(3) respectful treatment —
treating people with respect and dignity—and (4) trustful motives—people feel that
procedures are fairer when they trust the motives of police. However, Tankebe (2013)
initiated an alternative approach centering on the argument that public perceptions of
procedural justice, distributive justice, and police effectiveness represent the dominant
framework for police legitimacy (see also Bottoms & Tankebe, 2012). Furthermore,
Tankebe (2009, 2013) also notes that an obligation to obey legal authorities may be a
distinct concept from legitimacy as it can be driven by fear rather than shared values
of legal authority. To date, a large body of research has found support for Tyler’s
(2004) model of procedural justice suggesting that when individuals are treated by the
police with dignity, believe they are treated in a fair manner, and perceive that officers
are receptive to their concerns and views, they are more likely to perceive police stops
as being procedurally just (see Jackson et al., 2012; Mohler et al., 2021; Sargeant et al.,
2014; Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tyler, 2005; Tyler & Huo, 2002).
Previous research indicates that lower levels of perceived procedural justice in
police contacts among adolescents are associated with negative psychological/emo-
tional/health outcomes (Geller et al., 2014; McFarland et al., 2019). However, while
the existing research indicates that individuals with low levels of self-control may
perceive police stops as less procedurally just than individuals with higher levels of
self-control, limited research has explored how this relationship may be contingent on

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