A Lost World: Sallie Robinson, the Civil Rights Cases , and Missing Narratives of Slavery in the Supreme Court’s Reconstruction Jurisprudence

A Lost World: Sallie Robinson, the Civil Rights
Cases, and Missing Narratives of Slavery in the
Supreme Court’s Reconstruction Jurisprudence
ADERSON BELLEGARDE FRANC¸OIS*
“It is the sound of vanishing—the music as it plays itself to silence, the
train as it travels away, a voice left on magnetic tape.”
1
The Supreme Court tells stories about who and what we are—the sort of
“knowledge about [the] past that is shared, mutually acknowledged and re-
inforced by a collectivity.”
2
The Court is uniquely suited for this role: not
just because of the moral authority it brings to the task of adjudication, and
not just because of the rituals it uses for its decisionmaking, but also
because the very act of telling and retelling in issuing decisions results in
layers of these stories being deposited on and shaping constitutional doc-
trine. In time, and with each iteration—like sandy water f‌lowing over sedi-
mentary rock—these stories settle, gather together, harden, and become
part of constitutional topography—sheer repetition makes them reif‌ied.
These stories, a mix of fact and aspiration, a mingling of doctrine and meta-
phors, rubbed smooth of contradictions, translated for public consumption,
even when hotly contested in the caverns of academia, keep us bound to a
“conscious community of memory,”
3
—a pact about the larger lessons to be
derived from our past. There is a federalism story about how the Founders’
experience with a distant, indifferent king led them to set up a government
with def‌ined limited federal power; a free-speech story about how our col-
lective ability to think and speak freely contributes to an open marketplace
of ideas; and a right-to-bear-arms story about how the Second Amendment
serves as a bulwark against government tyranny. There is no equivalent
story—at least none that the Court itself has had a role in telling—about
how slavery and white supremacy shaped the American identity.
To the contrary, the singular effect—if not purpose—of the Supreme
Court’s jurisprudence on the experience, status, and place of Black peo-
ple in America has been to erase slavery from the constitutional stories
* Anne Fleming Research Professor; Professor of Law; and Director, Institute for Public
Representation Civil Rights Law Clinic, Georgetown University Law Center. © 2021, Aderson
Bellegarde Franc¸ois. I am thankful to the librarians at Georgetown University Law Center, particularly
Barbara Monroe, who provided much of the initial research before she retired; Andrea Muto, who had
the patience of a saint no matter how unreasonable my random requests; and Leah Prescott, who
patiently tutored me on genealogy research. And, as always, I’m grateful to Parisa, Kian, and Zadie for
making time for me to write.
1. JOHN BERGER & ANNE MICHAELS, RAILTRACKS 5 (2012).
2. See Joachim J. Savelsberg & Ryan D. King, Law and Collective Memory, 3 ANN. REV. L. & SOC.
SCI. 189, 191 (2007) (def‌ining collective memory).
3. See ORLANDO PATTERSON, SLAVERY AND SOCIAL DEATH: A COMPARATIVE STUDY 5 (1982).
1015
the Court tells about American democracy. The Court has managed this
feat so successfully that the main role slavery plays in the collective con-
stitutional imagination today is as remembrance of how its abolition
aff‌irmed the genius of the Framers’ vision and redeemed the righteous-
ness of the country’s Founding. This act of willful forgetting began in
earnest during Reconstruction, when, even as Black people roamed the
countryside and searched newspaper ads for mothers, fathers, sons, and
daughters sold away to distant plantations before the war, the Court
explained that the Thirteenth Amendment abolished nothing more than
involuntary servitude, that neither the Thirteenth nor the Fourteenth
Amendment imposed an obligation upon the federal government to pro-
tect Black people from white violence, and that Black people’s invocation
of the Fourteenth Amendment’s equality principle was akin to their want-
ing to become a special favorite of the law.
This Article is an attempt at digging up one story of slavery and trying
to input it into the collective constitutional imagination. The Article uses
one decision to tell the story—the Civil Rights Cases. It also uses one
person—a woman named Sallie Robinson. Apart from those she loved
and who loved her in return, Sallie lived out her days in relative obscu-
rity, but that life—at least the pieces and fragments of it we can gather—
is as legitimate a part of our constitutional myth making as the lives of
the men on the Court whose writings hardly ever acknowledged that peo-
ple like Sallie existed and mattered.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. SALLIE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1017
II. A “GOOD-LOOKING MULATTO WOMAN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1025
III. A FORTUNE TO LAST GENERATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1032
IV. THE “QUINTESSENCE OF ABOMINATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1038
V. “NO LAW CAN SAY ALL MEN SHALL BE EQUAL SOCIALLY”. . . . . . . 1045
VI. SINGING WITH “WONDERFUL PATHOSTHE “QUAINT, WEIRD,
TOUCHING SONGS OF THE SLAVE CABIN” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1048
VII. “WHY DID YOU CALL [HER] GIRL?” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1052
VIII. “A MERE CITIZENAND NOT THE SPECIAL FAVORITE OF THE LAWS 1056
IX. THE RIGHTS OF FREEDOM AND AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1059
1016 THE GEORGETOWN LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 109:1015
X. LOCOMOTION BECAME RUNNING AWAY AND ENTERTAINMENT BECAME
HARBORING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1064
XI. THREE MCCLUNG BROTHERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1071
XII. SALLIE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1074
I. SALLIE
This is a story in which the central character stays mostly hidden and silent,
never showing her full face, never speaking in her own voice. Her name is
Sallie.
4
She was born into slavery in Tennessee in or about 1851. She survived
the Civil War, got married, and had a son. In the early morning hours of May 22,
1879, she boarded a train at Grand Junction, Tennessee; her f‌inal stop:
Lynchburg, Virginia. Though Sallie held a ticket for the f‌irst-class ladies’ car, the
train conductor directed her to the second-class smoking car because he believed
that other f‌irst-class passengers would object to her presence. But soon after the
train left Grand Junction, the conductor reconsidered, and when the train pulled
into the next stop at Salisbury, Tennessee, Sallie transferred to the f‌irst-class car.
She sat in the smoking car for only one stop—barely six miles and no more than
f‌ifteen minutes. When she returned home from Lynchburg, however, Sallie sued
the railroad for violation of the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which made it a criminal
offense to deny a person equal accommodation in public conveyances, inns, thea-
ters, and other places of public amusement on account of their race, color, or pre-
vious condition of servitude.
5
The Act also created a private right of action for
such a violation.
6
Sallie’s suit against the railroad, Robinson v. Memphis & Charleston Railroad
Co., is one of the few cases under the Civil Rights Act of 1875 to go to a jury trial
and for which a more or less complete record of the proceedings survive.
7
Her
case is also one of the six cases the United States Supreme Court originally joined
under the rubric the Civil Rights Cases
8
to decide that Congress lacked power
4. The details of what is known about Sallie Robinson’s life and suit are discussed extensively later
in the Article. See infra Parts III, VII, XII.
5. Civil Rights Act of 1875, ch. 114, §§ 1–2, 18 Stat. 335, 335–36.
6. Id. § 3.
7. See Transcript of Record, Robinson v. Memphis & Charleston R.R. Co. (The Civil Rights Cases),
109 U.S. 3 (1883) (No. 28).
8. 109 U.S. at 3. The f‌inal opinion reports f‌ive cases instead of six, as do most books and articles on
the topic: United States v. Stanley, United States v. Ryan, United States v. Nichols, United States v.
Singleton, and Robinson v. Memphis & Charleston Railroad Company. Id. The Court initially accepted a
sixth case, United States v. Hamilton, for review, docketing it as one of the cases to be joined with Ryan,
Stanley, and Nichols. Brief for the United States at 1–2, The Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 (Nos. 1, 2, 3
& 204). Indeed, during the October 1882 Term, the United States included Hamilton as part of the
caption of its brief and discussed the facts of the case in body of the brief. See id. On the same day that
the Court decided the f‌ive cases that make up the Civil Rights Cases, however, it dismissed Hamilton as
outside of its jurisdiction. See United States v. Hamilton, 109 U.S. 63, 63 (1883). These six cases were
certainly not the only ones to seek review of the Civil Rights Act of 1875.
2021] A LOST WORLD 1017

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