A malevolent Forrest Gump: Strom Thurmond's loathsomeness on race obscures his larger role: he was there at all the major choke points of modern conservative history.

• Author: O'Donnell, Michael

Strom Thurmond's America

by Joseph Crespino

Hill and Wang, 416 pp.

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Like many artists and most bigots, Strom Thurmond was highly productive early in life. By the age of fifty-five, the humorless South Carolina reactionary had run for president as a Dixiecrat, secured election to the U.S. Senate, penned the neo-confederate "Southern Manifesto" denouncing Brown v. Board of Education, and performed the longest one-man filibuster in the Senate's history: a ghastly King Lear with pitchfork and noose, in which Thurmond denounced the 1957 Civil Rights Act as the death of liberty. (It ended when he grew hoarse and sat down.) When Lyndon Johnson pushed the much toothier Civil Rights Act of 1964 through Congress, he again did it over Thurmond's filibuster. The following year, Thurmond fought the Voting Rights Act. His political idols were John C. Calhoun, Robert E. Lee, and Spiro Agnew. In his most famous speech, Thurmond pledged in 1948 that there were not enough troops in the Army to force "the southern people" to "admit the nigger race into our theaters, into our swimming pools, into our homes, and into our churches." But apparently they were allowed into "our" beds: in 1925 the twenty-two-year-old Thurmond sired a child with a sixteen-year-old African American family maid. His illegitimate daughter remained anonymous until her father's death in 2003.

Today Strom Thurmond's name brings to mind two sentiments: revulsion and disgrace. Here was a racist hypocrite who denounced the intermixing of black and white while secretly paying hush money to his own biracial daughter. He never apologized for his years as a segregationist, and even had the nerve later in life to deny that they ever occurred. Thurmond's association was toxic enough to cost Trent Lott his position as Senate majority leader in 2002, when Lott suggested during an unguarded moment that the United States would have been a better place had Thurmond been elected president in 1948.

Yet as Joseph Crespino demonstrates in his outstanding biography, Strom Thurmond's America, it is precisely Thurmond's loathsomeness on racial issues that obscures his larger role in American politics. Like some malevolent Forrest Gump, Thurmond was there at all the major choke points of modern conservative history: the 1948 breakaway from the Democrats of the short-lived States' Rights Democratic (or Dixiecrat) Party, Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign, Richard Nixon's southern...