Legitimacy, Trust, Social Capital, and Policing Styles

• Author: James Hawdon
• DOI: 10.1177/1098611107311852
• Published date: 01 June 2008
• Date: 01 June 2008
• Subject Matter: Articles

Police Quarterly
Volume 11 Number 2
June 2008 182-201
© 2008 Sage Publications
10.1177/1098611107311852
Legitimacy, Trust, Social Capital,
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and Policing Styles
http://online.sagepub.com
A Theoretical Statement
James Hawdon
Virginia Tech
There currently is no consensus about why attitudes toward police vary by neighbor-
hood. An unexplored explanation is that resident trust of police and perceptions of
police legitimacy may depend on neighborhood levels of social capital. This article
considers the relationships among trust, legitimacy, procedural justice, social capital,
and policing styles. Treating trust and legitimacy as conceptually distinct, how neigh-
borhood levels of social capital influence these perceptions and the style of policing
that is most likely to promote these perceptions are discussed. Issues concerning the
measurement of trust and legitimacy are also considered.
Keywords:
trust; legitimacy; policing; social capital; community policing
Effective policing requires citizen cooperation (Alpert,Dunham,& Piquero,1998;
Cordner, 1997; Eck & Rosenbaum, 1994; Greene & Pelfrey, 1997; Skogan,
1998). To stimulate such cooperation, many policing initiatives attempt to make
police “part of the community” (Hawdon & Ryan, 2003). Integrating police into the
community can be difficult, however, especially in communities with a history of
poor resident-police relations (Grinc, 1994; Parker, Onyekwuluje, & Murty, 1995;
Sadd & Grinc, 1994). One means of improving resident cooperation with police is
to increase residents’ perceptions of police legitimacy and trustworthiness (Hawdon,
Ryan, & Griffin, 2003; Stoutland, 2001; Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tyler, 1990; Tyler
& Huo, 2002).
A growing body of literature supports the claim that resident perceptions of police
trustworthiness and legitimacy are critical for cooperative relations between residents
and officers (see, e.g., Sunshine & Tyler, 2003). Although the existing research is com-
pelling, it is theoretically incomplete and underspecified. First, much of the research
on citizen trust of police and perceptions of police legitimacy conflates the concepts of
trust and legitimacy. While these concepts are interrelated, they are conceptually
distinct and can be analytically separated. Second, the existing literature does not
Author’s Note: Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to James Hawdon, 654 McBryde
Hall, Department of Sociology (MC 0137), Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, VA 24061; e-mail: hawdonj@vt.edu.
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consider how trust and legitimacy operate within different social settings. There cur-
rently is no consensus about why attitudes toward the police vary by neighborhood
(see Brown & Benedict, 2002). An unexplored plausible explanation is that trust and
legitimacy may be dependent on neighborhood levels of social capital. Third, the
existing literature argues that issues of procedural justice are critical for establishing
perceptions of trust and legitimacy (see Stoutland, 2001; Sunshine & Tyler, 2003;
Tyler, 2004; Tyler & Huo, 2002). However, researchers and theorists may have mis-
specified the causal direction among these concepts. Finally, the policing style that
is most effective in promoting a sense of legitimacy will likely depend on the larger
social environment in which the policing occurs. Existing literature fails to discuss
this potential relationship. This article addresses these gaps in the existing literature
and offers theoretical predictions concerning the role of legitimacy and trust in dif-
ferent types of neighborhoods. Moreover, predictions are made concerning the style
of policing that is likely to best promote a sense of procedural justice in each type of
neighborhood.
The argument proceeds in seven stages. To begin, I review the role of trust and
legitimacy in creating positive police-resident relationships. I then discuss trust and
legitimacy and argue that these are analytically and conceptually distinct. I next
consider the causal direction between perceptions of legitimacy and perceptions of
procedural justice. In the fourth section, I briefly review the concepts of bridging and
bonding capital at the neighborhood level. I discuss the various styles of policing in
the fifth section. I then outline how neighborhood levels of social capital can influence
perceptions of trust and legitimacy at the individual level and determine the style of
policing that is most likely to promote these perceptions. Finally, I address issues of
measuring the concepts of trust and legitimacy.
Theoretical Issues
Trust, Legitimacy, and Resident-Police Relations
There is a consensus among researchers that citizen perceptions of police trust-
worthiness and legitimacy increase the willingness of residents to cooperate with
police and comply with the law (Sherman, 1997; Stoutland, 2001; Sunshine & Tyler,
2003; Tyler, 1990; Tyler & Huo, 2002). For example, in a sample of New York City
residents, perceptions of legitimacy and trustworthiness were positively associated
with cooperating with police even when factors such as education, income, and eth-
nicity were controlled (Sunshine & Tyler, 2003). Perceptions of legitimacy can also
increase resident compliance with the law (Sunshine & Tyler, 2003; Tyler, 1990;
Tyler & Huo, 2002). Using logic similar to Hirschi’s (1969) regarding his concept of
“belief,” Tyler argues that if people believe the police are legitimate, they will engage
in self-regulatory behaviors and conform to the law. There is evidence to support this

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Police Quarterly
claim. In a longitudinal study conducted in Oakland and Los Angeles, Tyler and Huo
concluded, “if people generally viewed legal authorities as legitimate, they were
more likely to indicate that they followed the law in their everyday lives” (p. 106).
The self-regulation that derives from viewing the police as legitimate is distinct from
perceptions of risk of being caught and punished for misbehavior (Sunshine & Tyler,
2003; Tyler, 1990; Tyler & Huo, 2002).
There is also a consensus that perceived trustworthiness and legitimacy of the
police increases when officers conduct their business in a manner that promotes
“procedural justice” (Matrofski, Snipes, & Supina, 1996; Paternoster, Brame, Bachman,
& Sherman, 1997; Sherman, 1997; Tyler, Boeckmann, Smith, & Huo, 1997; Tyler &
Huo, 2002; Tyler & Wakslak, 2004). For example, Sunshine and Tyler (2003) found
that “procedural fairness,” measured by items such as the police “treat everyone in your
neighborhood with dignity and respect,” produced the strongest effect on perceptions
of police legitimacy. The magnitude of this effect far exceeded the influence of
resident perceptions of police performance, assessments of “distributive justice,” or
any demographic characteristic of the residents. Tyler and Huo (2002) report similar
findings among Oakland and Los Angeles residents. The greatest perceived reduction
in serious crime in Chicago occurred in districts where residents believed police were
responsive to their concerns (see Sherman, 1997). In Milwaukee, repeat domestic
violence was lowest among arrestees who thought police treated them respectfully
(Paternoster et al., 1997).
There is also a consensus, although not as widespread, that community policing,
with its emphasis on seeking resident input and “getting to know” the community,
increases perceptions of procedural justice more than traditional policing does. A
growing body of evidence supports the claim that perceptions of the police are influ-
enced by resident contact with police (Cheurprakobkit, 2000; Cordner & Jones, 1995;
Hawdon et al., 2003; Paternoster et al., 1997; Stoutland, 2001; Tyler & Huo, 2002),
and community policing aims at increasing positive police-resident contacts. Community
policing reduces complaints about police (Kessler, 1999), increases officer-initiated
investigations (Kane, 2000), and generally improves relations between residents and
police (Greene, 1999; Skogan, 1994; Skogan & Hartnett, 1997).
Finally, demographic characteristics influence perceptions of police. Of all demo-
graphic characteristics, ethnicity produces the strongest effect on perceptions. Several
studies indicate that whites trust police more than Blacks or Hispanics (Ackerman
et al., 2001; Brown & Benedict, 2002; Cole, 1999; Hawdon et al., 2003; Norris,
Fielding, Kemp, & Fielding, 1992; Seron, Pereira, & Kovath, 2004; Sunshine & Tyler,
2003). Norris et al. (1992) note that of all groups, Black youth tend to have the most
negative and hostile feelings toward police (see also Fine et al., 2003), although the
majority of Black residents hold positive attitudes toward police (Regulus, Taylor, &
Jackson, 2001). In addition to ethnicity, income and age are positively related and edu-
cation is inversely related to perceptions of police legitimacy (Brown & Benedict,
2002; Hawdon et al., 2003; Sunshine & Tyler, 2003).

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Given this literature, the links between policing, resident perceptions of proce-
dural justice, perceptions of police legitimacy, and resident cooperation with police
appear straightforward. The basic model is that community-policing tactics increase
resident perceptions of procedural justice. This increase in procedural justice enhances
perceptions of police legitimacy. In turn, residents who perceive police as being
legitimate are more likely to cooperate with the police and comply...