Legislative Responsiveness to Constituency Change

AuthorKristina Miler
DOI10.1177/1532673X15620838
Published date01 September 2016
Date01 September 2016
Subject MatterArticles
American Politics Research
2016, Vol. 44(5) 816 –843
© The Author(s) 2015
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DOI: 10.1177/1532673X15620838
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Article
Legislative
Responsiveness to
Constituency Change
Kristina Miler1
Abstract
Across democracies, elected officials are expected to represent their
constituents, but how do legislators react to changes in their constituency?
This core question of legislative responsiveness is examined in the context
of the bicameral U.S. Congress where more than 100 legislators have served
in both chambers since 1960. These chamber-changers provide a unique
vantage point for examining constituency representation, including competing
expectations based on the electoral connection and the ideological stability
of legislative voting. Based on analyses of original data, I find overwhelming
evidence of legislative responsiveness to both constituency change and
constituency stability. Moreover, when legislators’ constituencies change,
they respond by changing their behavior in ways that reflect both the
direction and magnitude of constituency change.
Keywords
U.S. Congress, constituency representation, responsiveness, legislative
behavior
Introduction
The question of whether legislators are responsive to their constituents is at
the heart of much theoretical and empirical scholarship. It is a question so
fundamental to our beliefs about representative government that it might
1University of Maryland, College Park, USA
Corresponding Author:
Kristina Miler, University of Maryland, 3140 Tydings Hall, College Park, MD 20742, USA.
Email: kmiler@umd.edu
620838APRXXX10.1177/1532673X15620838American Politics ResearchMiler
research-article2015
Miler 817
seem surprising that there is disagreement as to whether legislators react to
changes in their constituency by changing their behavior. In fact, modern
legislative research offers two competing visions of legislators. For more
than two decades, the notion of ideological consistency in legislative voting
behavior has assumed a prominent place in the field and influenced research
agendas focused on both the United States and Europe (e.g., Hix, Noury, &
Roland, 2007; Poole, 2005, 2007; Poole & Daniels, 1985; Poole & Rosenthal,
1997). According to this view, legislators should have stable voting records
because they are driven by the constancy of their ideological preferences.
However, this tenant of behavioral stability is at odds with other well-estab-
lished theories of electoral accountability and responsiveness found in classic
works such as Mayhew’s (1974) The Electoral Connection and subsequent
research that argues that the pursuit of reelection compels legislators to
respond to changes in their electoral context (Arnold, 1990; Clinton, 2006;
Fenno, 1978; Fiorina, 1974; Grose, 2011; Kingdon, 1989; Mayhew, 1974).
This article leverages the careers of legislators who move from the U.S.
House to the U.S. Senate to assess whether legislative behavior responds to
changes in the constituency. The bicameral structure of the U.S. Congress
provides an ideal context in which to examine legislators’ behavior in the face
of a changed constituency. From 1960 to 2008, 106 legislators served in both
the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate. Included in this class are well-known
political figures such as Barbara Boxer (D-CA) and Trent Lott (R-MS), each
of whom served in the House for 10 or more years before being elected to the
Senate. The phenomenon of changing chambers continues today with 53% of
the U.S. Senate in the 114th Congress (2015-2016) previously having served
in the U.S. House, including 14 of 33 Senators who were elected in 2014.
When changing chambers, these legislators retain their partisan, ideologi-
cal, and personal identities yet they change constituents. The latter point is
often overlooked, but it means that in each of these cases, a legislator went
from representing a congressional district within a state to representing a
statewide constituency. Moreover, the political composition of a legislator’s
House constituency can look very different from his Senate constituency. In
some cases, a legislator who moves from the House to the Senate may experi-
ence a more conservative statewide constituency, whereas in other cases, the
chamber-changing legislator represents a Senate constituency that is more
liberal than his prior House constituency. In addition, some legislators experi-
ence a large change in their constituency when they change chambers,
whereas other legislators represent a Senate constituency that is quite similar
to their House district. The key question, then, is whether legislators change
their behavior in response to these constituency changes or whether they “die
in their ideological boots” (Poole & Rosenthal, 1997)?

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