Legal Pathways to Biden's Climate Goals

AuthorMichael B. Gerrard
PositionProfessor of environmental and energy law at Columbia Law School, and faculty director of the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law
Pages58-58
58 | THE ENVIRONMENTAL FORUM Reprinted by permission from The Environmental Forum®, September/October 2021.
Copyright © 2021, Environmental Law Institute®, Washington, D.C. www.eli.org.
THE DEBATE
to build new solar (both utility-scale
and rooftop) and wind (both on-
shore and oshore) facilities, as well
as more geothermal, hydropower,
and other non-fossil technologies.
e existing nuclear eet needs to
keep running as long as it can oper-
ate safely. A comparably massive
program of new transmission lines
is needed to bring the power from
these new sources to where it is
needed, coupled with storage to ll
in the gaps when there is no wind
or sun. According to the Zero Car-
bon Action Project, that will require
3,000 gigawatts of new genera-
tion by 2050 — an average of 100
gigawatts a year. (One good-sized
nuclear power plant generates about
one gigawatt.)
Energy eciency. We need a 40
percent reduction in per capita en-
ergy demand. is would mostly
come from improvements in the ef-
ciency of appliances, buildings, and
all manner of industrial operations.
Electrication. Most uses that
now rely on fossil fuels need to
switch to electricity. e biggest
sector here is transport. is means
that all new cars and SUVs need
to be electric by about 2035, with
trucks and buses not far behind (un-
less hydrogen or other technologies
do the job). Electricity needs to be
used instead of oil and natural gas
to heat buildings and water; all new
buildings need to be all-electric, and
over time older buildings need to
be converted. e added electricity
demand that all this will create (even
after aggressive energy eciency
programs) is one reason we need so
much new generation and transmis-
sion.
Carbon capture and removal. It is
dicult to abate the emissions from
certain industrial operations, such as
making cement and steel. For these,
and for any remaining natural gas
power plants, we need to capture
the carbon dioxide before it leaves
the stack, and either use or seques-
ter it. We also need to remove large
amounts of the carbon dioxide that
is already in the atmosphere. Some
of this can be achieved by planting
more trees and better managing for-
ests. Some can be done through im-
proved agricultural practices, which
will also reduce methane emissions.
Beyond that, we need various tech-
nologies now being developed to
draw carbon dioxide from the atmo-
sphere.
Non-CO2 pollutants. Carbon
dioxide is not the only pollutant
that contributes to climate change.
Methane, uorinated gases, nitrous
oxide, and black carbon are also im-
portant, and each can be drastically
reduced.
All of this will require a great
deal of new infrastructure. President
Biden’s American Jobs Plan, if en-
acted by Congress, would be an im-
portant move in that direction.
Congress has not passed a major
new environmental law since 1990.
e partisan paralysis since then has
been a major obstacle to progress in
the ght against climate change (and
many other things). ere are sev-
eral items Congress could enact that
would greatly assist in meeting the
2050 goals. ese include an econ-
omy-wide carbon pricing system;
a clean electricity standard; stricter
command-and-control regulations
of air pollution; more subsidies for
clean energy; and elimination of
subsidies for fossil fuels. None of
these would do the whole job, but
any would greatly help.
Meanwhile, many states, cities,
and corporations are making great
eorts. But the federal govern-
ment must take the lead — both
the president (who has stepped up)
and Congress (for which we are still
waiting).
Michael B. Gerrard is a professor of envi-
ronmental and energy law at Columbia Law
School, and faculty director of the Sabin Center
for Climate Change Law.
Legal Pathways
to Biden’s
Climate Goals
By Michael B. Gerrard
Achieving President Biden’s
goal of net-zero green-
house gas emissions by
2050, with interim targets
of being halfway there by 2030
and having entirely clean electric-
ity by 2035, is possible with law
and technologies that already exist
or can be readily imagined. In the
process, many more jobs would be
created than lost, and aspects of the
environment beyond climate change
would be greatly improved. But it is
a massive undertaking.
e nature of this task was
spelled out in detail in a prescient
report, Pathways to Deep Decarbon-
ization in the United States, issued in
2014 and 2015 by the Sustainable
Development Solutions Network
and the Institute of Sustainable De-
velopment and International Rela-
tions. Much of the same team, led
again by Jim Williams, prepared an
updated version in 2020 as part of
the Zero Carbon Action Project.
Based on the 2014/2015 reports,
in late 2015 John Dernbach and I
began work on an edited volume
that the Environmental Law In-
stitute published in 2019, Legal
Pathways to Deep Decarbonization
in the United States. It analyzed how
federal, state, and local law and pri-
vate governance need to change for
the United States to achieve goals
that are very similar to those that the
Biden campaign would announce a
year later.
Five pillars underlie this eort.
Electricity decarbonization. In gen-
erating electricity, we need to elimi-
nate all use of coal and almost all
use of gas unless it is coupled with
carbon capture and sequestration,
or comes from biological sources.
is will require a massive program

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