Legal Aid and Social Policy: Managing a Political Economy of Scarcity
| Published date | 01 March 2023 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231200118 |
| Author | Jamila Michener |
| Date | 01 March 2023 |
ANNALS, AAPSS, 706, March 2023 137
DOI: 10.1177/00027162231200118
Legal Aid and
Social Policy:
Managing a
Political
Economy of
Scarcity
By
JAMILA MICHENER
1200118ANN THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMYLEGAL AID AND SOCIAL POLICY
research-article2023
Civil legal systems structure Americans’ relationship to
the welfare state, offering grounds for contesting deni-
als of benefits and preventing material harms like evic-
tion. I draw on data from interviews with legal aid
providers and tenant organizers to show how civil legal
resources facilitate access to the safety net, and I argue
that yoking legal aid and social policy is a strategy for
managing a political economy that systematically
undersupplies essential resources and protections.
Notwithstanding the democratic ideal of social and civil
rights as self-reinforcing and mutually constitutive, the
relationship between social policy and civil legal aid
underscores how these domains operate as substitutes
rather than complements. Politically induced scarcity
makes it necessary to leverage legal mechanisms to
protect vulnerable Americans. Such necessity impli-
cates acute democratic deficits that are most aptly
addressed through fundamental changes to existing
power relations.
Keywords: legal aid; social policy; political economy;
civil legal inequality; tenant organizations
When the COVID-19 pandemic struck in
early 2020, it intensified economic pre-
carity among the most vulnerable Americans
(Grinstein-Weiss et al. 2021; Hardy, Hokayem,
and Roll 2021; Kochhar and Sechopoulos
2022). People living in or near poverty strug-
gled to remain healthy, safe, housed, and
financially stable. The problems exacerbated
by the pandemic spanned a wide gamut of
domains. Unemployment skyrocketed, evic-
tions were poised to surge, and public benefits
were often difficult to access. Such material
needs generated legal needs. Colossal backlogs
Correspondence: jm2362@cornell.edu
Jamila Michener is an associate professor of govern-
ment and public policy at Cornell University. She
is the author of Fragmented Democracy: Medi-
caid, Federalism, and Unequal Politics (Cambridge
University Press, 2018).
138 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
in processing applications for unemployment compensation, Medicaid, and other
crucial assistance programs drove people to seek legal help in obtaining and
retaining vital benefits. Threats of eviction—before, during, and after federal and
state eviction moratoria—brought renters to the doors of legal services organiza-
tions. Ron Flagg, the president of the Legal Services Corporation (LSC), the
largest funder of civil legal assistance in the country, reported “substantial
increases in the number of people who qualify for civil legal aid and a surge in
the [problems] facing those people” (Kaplan 2021).
Accelerated demand for civil legal assistance during the pandemic under-
scores the close tethering of material and legal needs, particularly in the lives of
low-income Americans. Consider unemployment. In the U.S., reduced income
due to job loss makes a person more vulnerable to “the experiences of rights
problems” that create a need for legal services (Pleasence and Balmer 2010,
475).1 For instance, becoming unemployed can lead to difficulties navigating
complex welfare bureaucracies, cause delays in paying debtors, instigate tensions
with landlords, aggravate immigrants’ challenges with documentation status, and
much more. These and other connections between economic and legal needs are
neither new nor surprising. Marshall (1950) seminally articulated civil rights
(largely secured through law to ensure things like “the right to conclude valid
contracts, and the right to justice”), social rights (guaranteeing a “modicum of
economic welfare and security”), and political rights (including democratic par-
ticipation and “the exercise of political power”) as the triumvirate of democratic
citizenship. Marshall (1950, 11) argued that this trio of rights denoted “full mem-
bership” in the political community. Other influential thinkers have advanced
distinct but aligned philosophies about the nexus between civil rights, social
welfare, and political standing. King (1967) powerfully asserted that “the prob-
lems of racial injustice and economic injustice cannot be solved without a radical
redistribution of political and economic power.” In this way, King incisively linked
encroachments on civil rights (racial injustice) and the deprivation of social rights
(economic injustice) to a call for political rights (power).
While Marshall, King, and others offered archetypes of interconnected and
self-reinforcing rights (social, civil, political), this article lays out a reality that
diverges starkly from that ideal. I show that instead of the civil, social, and politi-
cal domains fortifying one another to create mutual underpinnings for a robust
democratic citizenship, they operate as substitutes. As public resources dry up
and the welfare state weakens, social rights are attenuated. Such an outcome is
especially likely when the political power of those most reliant on the welfare
state is limited. With few avenues for material help and constrained political
wherewithal, marginalized denizens and those who support them (e.g., social
service providers) turn to civil legal institutions (e.g., courts, legal aid agencies)
for redress. In this way, yoking legal aid and social policy is a means of averting
destitution in the face of enfeebled political and social rights.
This article draws on in-depth qualitative interviews with legal services provid-
ers and tenant organizers to elaborate the political-economic processes linking
civil legal aid and social policy benefits and to articulate the logic of codelivery. I
find that the codelivery of legal assistance and social welfare benefits is a strategy
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