A Lab Experiment on Committee Hearings: Preferences, Power, and a Quest for Information

Published date01 February 2017
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12139
AuthorJu Yeon Park
Date01 February 2017
JU YEON PARK
Columbia University
A Lab Experiment on Committee
Hearings: Preferences, Power,
and a Quest for Information
In principle, committees hold hearings to gather and provide information to their
principals, but some hearings are characterized as political showcases. This article inves-
tigates conditions that moderate committee members’ incentives to hold an informative
hearing by presenting a game-theoretic model and a lab experiment. Specifically, it stud-
ies when committees hold hearings and which types of hearing they hold by varying
policy preferences of committee members and the principal and political gains from pos-
turing. Findings provide new insights to how preferences and power distribution affect
individuals’ incentives to be informed when they make decisions as members of a
committee in many contexts.
In many situations, fact-f‌inding committees must give advice to a
principal after gathering information via hearings. For example, the com-
mittees in legislatures give recommendations to the f‌loor based on
information collected from public hearings. Similar public hearing proce-
dures are also found in committees of the United Nations or the
European Union (e.g., the European Economic and Social Committee
holds public hearings to hear voices from different stakeholders in the
region and to be consulted with by the EU on economic issues).
However, previous empirical studies suggest that such hearings are
sometimes uninformative because the members choose to grandstand by
promoting their own views rather than gathering information.
1
A classic
case study by Huitt (1954) f‌inds that committee members only reinforced
their predetermined views via hearings on federal price control at the US
Senate Committee on Banking and Currency in 1946. Recent examples
include hearings at multiple congressional committees on Benghazi
terrorists’ attacks in 2012. Especially when then Secretary of State,
Hillary Clinton, was subpoenaed, committee members spent more time
asking questions in a way that their opinions were emphasized while
leaving almost no time for her to provide an answer or even not requiring
one (Hersh 2013).
LEGISLATIVE STUDIES QUARTERLY, 42, 1, February 2017 3
DOI: 10.1111/lsq.12139
V
C2016 Washington University in St. Louis
Some recent empirical works investigate under what conditions the
information from hearings is actually used in the legislative process.
Esterling (2004) f‌inds that the uncertainty and ambiguity in the state of
knowledge explain the variance in lawmakers’ use and nonuse of expert
information in the legislation process based on three case studies.
Kasniunas (2009) shows that testimonies from interest groups are more
likely to inf‌luence mark-up bills as they work with an ideologically mod-
erate, more bipartisan committee chaired by an inexperienced member
of Congress. Kriner and Schickler (2014) demonstrate that even the
investigative hearings where members merely grandstand can indirectly
affect political landscape by undermining the presidential approval rating
if they can secure media coverage.
2
As an extension of this line of research, this article explores addi-
tional explanations on when committee members hold informative
hearings and when they do not. I specif‌ically analyze committee chairs’
decisions to hold hearings, committee members’ selection of witnesses,
and principals’ policy choices. The factors I propose to explain these
decisions are the level of policy disagreement between committee mem-
bers, political gains from posturing in a hearing that is modeled as
inviting an advocate as a witness, the chair’s power over the selection of
witnesses, and the principal’s policy preference, which can operational-
ize the level of polarization in the f‌inal decision-making body (e.g., a
legislative f‌loor).
In order to generate testable hypotheses, I present a simple game-
theoretic model of hearings and witness selection. While rational choice
models on informational theories of committees have made much pro-
gress in explaining the information transmission between the f‌loor and
committees, the internal decision-making process and political competi-
tion within a committee have been largely understudied and extremely
simplif‌ied (Diermeier and Feddersen 2000; Gilligan and Krehbiel 1987,
1989). Thus, my model highlights the internal decision-making process
and competition within a committee.
There are three theoretical features that are distinctive from the
existing models. First, most of the previous models consider a committee
as a unitary actor rather than a composition of members with different
interests, so that internal decision-making processes within a committee
have received less attention.
3
However,Iassumeacommitteeoftwo
members with heterogeneous preferences and explicitly model political
competition within the committee over the selection of witnesses for a
hearing. Second, while previous models did not consider committee
members’ political incentive to hold a hearing, I assume that committee
members earn utility from a hearing not only by collecting information
4 JuYeonPark

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