Kipling redux.

• Author: Zakheim, Dov S.

LIBERAL INTERVENTIONISTS and neoconservatives share three rather unflattering characteristics. Both have a hair-trigger inclination to promote American unilateral military intervention overseas. Both assume a degree of moral superiority that has much in common with the values of Rudyard Kipling and Benjamin Disraeli. And both make a strong case for promoting democracy abroad even as they ignore or deride a majority of American public opinion that opposes such adventures.

America's vast military superiority over all other states has created new and unprecedented opportunities for policymakers to commit the armed forces to overseas operations with minimal notice and even less forethought. This superiority--powered by both ongoing advances in technology that widen the gap between America's forces and those of other states, and by defense budgets that far outdistance those of any friend or potential foe--is unlikely to disappear anytime soon. Interventionists of both the liberal and neoconservative variety thus face, and all too often succumb to, an ongoing temptation to put their theories into practice by resorting to the military as a first alternative rather than as a default option after all others have been exhausted.

Conservatives, on the other hand, share with the overwhelming majority of American military officers the recognition that good policy is not merely a matter of committing military force to achieve a political end. Equally if not more important, is the need to determine whether a given political end is achievable without the use of force and, even if it is not, whether force would render that end any more achievable. Moreover, conservatives, being more cautious about the use of force, tend to look more carefully at the nature of exit strategies. Interventionists, on the other hand, appear to assume that the change that they are seeking will, by its very nature, spontaneously generate an exit strategy, that is both timely and appropriate.

There is little in American post-World War II history to vindicate the interventionists' assumptions. Few, if an> societies have been transformed by unilateral military action by the United States. That fact has not lessened the interventionists' infatuation with the military as a force for societal change, however.

The assumption that America can and should change the nature of other societies presupposes that those societies desperately yearn to adopt the American way of life. There is...