Justice Systems. Reversal of Roles on Access to Courts

AuthorDaniel Small
Pages9-10
Published in Litigation, Volume 48, Number 2, Winter 2022. © 2022 by the American Bar Association. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. This information or any portion thereof may not
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The other, Rule 1.2(b), has no practical
significance at all because it does not tell
lawyers what to do. It is just a declaration
of principle. It says: “A lawyer’s represen-
tation of a client... does not constitute
an endorsement of the client’s political,
economic, social or moral views or activi-
ties.” Perhaps this is meant to let lawyers
hold their heads high when friends and
neighbors wonder why they squander
their time and talent on the wrong side
of a lawsuit.
These two rules seem to absolve law-
yers from moral or social accountability
for the cases on which they work. But if
lawyers are passionate about their be-
liefs, the conflict-of-interest rule points
the other way. Rule 1.7 says that a law-
yer has a conflict of interest if “there is a
significant risk that the representation...
will be materially limited... by a personal
interest of the lawyer.” The rule applies
to lawyers whose strongly held political,
social, philosophical, or moral commit-
ments will undermine their effectiveness.
A federal prosecutor raised this con-
cern two decades ago in Mendoza Tora v.
Gil, 110 F. Supp. 2d 28 (D.P.R. 2000), af-
ter she was assigned to prosecute pro-
testors for trespassing on the naval base
at Vieques. She told her supervisors that
she had a moral conflict with prosecut-
ing the case, and when they ignored her,
she sought to enjoin the office from as-
signing her the case. The district judge
was dismissive, asserting that Rule 1.7 “is
intended to address conflicts of pecuni-
ary or professional interests, not a conflict
between the attorney’s personal beliefs
and the client’s legal position.”
Today, the district judge could not so
easily brush off the prosecutor’s concern.
A comment to Model Rule 1.10, which cov-
ers “imputation of conflicts of interest,”
acknowledges that lawyers’ personal be-
liefs may give rise to conflicts. It offers the
example of a lawyer who “could not effec-
tively represent a given client because of
strong political beliefs.” That lawyer must
not work on the case, although others in
the law firm may do so if their work will
be unimpaired. The message is that if your
strong philosophical or political objection
would lead you to work ineffectively, you
must decline the assignment.
Most often, though, associates will be
able to work competently for objection-
able clients and causes. They will sim-
ply feel bad about doing so. If so, these
lawyers face larger questions about how
they want to lead their professional lives—
questions the Model Rules do not answer. q
JUSTICE SYSTEMS
Reversal of Roles
on Access to
Courts
DANIEL SMALL
Daniel Small is a partner at Holland & Knight in
Miami and Boston.
For almost 10 years, I have been involved
in Uzbekistan’s journey from its old,
Soviet-based justice system to a more open
system, working with lawyers and judges
there and speaking at Tashkent School of
Law. The concept of transparency did not
exist in Uzbekistan, and reformers looked
to the United States, among other coun-
tries, as a guiding star. While Uzbekistan
has made extraordinary progress, there
is still much to be done. Yet, ironically, as
Uzbekistan moves from a closed judicial
system to an open one, our system in the
United States has moved in some respects
in the opposite direction, toward closure,
as national security and privacy are in-
creasingly becoming excuses for secrecy.
Recently, I was asked to give a presen-
tation at a conference sponsored by the
Uzbekistan Ministry of Justice on expand-
ing public access to courts. While going
through some of the history and argu-
ments in favor of transparency, it struck
me that we in the United States could use
a reminder of why openness is so essential
to our judicial system.
Around 40 years ago, the Supreme
Court issued a landmark opinion,
Richmond Newspapers v. Virginia, 448 U.S.
555 (1980). Chief Justice Burger, writing
for the Court, carefully analyzed the his-
tory and arguments demonstrating the
value of open courts.
First, open courts improve the fact-find-
ing process, by involving the public. For ex-
ample, public trials can alert key witnesses,
previously unknown to each party, to come
forward with relevant testimony.
Second, transparency increases judicial
accountability by shining a light on the
judicial process. As stated in Richmond
Newspapers,
[p]ublic access to trials acts as an im-
portant check, similar in purpose to the
other checks and balances that are in
our system of government. The knowl-
edge that every criminal trial is subject
to contemporaneous review in the fo-
rum of public opinion is an effective
restraint on possible abuse of judicial
power.... Open trials assure the public
that procedural rights are respected,
and that justice is afforded equally.
Closed trials breed suspicion of preju-
dice and arbitrariness, which in turn
spawns disrespect for the law.
Third, openness increases the legiti-
macy of the courts. In Cowley v. Pulsifer,
137 Mass. 392, 394 (1884), Oliver Wendell
Holmes stated:
[T]he trial of causes should take place
under the public eye... because it is of
the highest moment that those who ad-
minister justice should always act under
the sense of public responsibility, and
that every citizen should be able to satisfy
himself with his own eyes as to the mode
in which a public duty is performed.
Finally, open courts increase public ed-
ucation and trust in the judicial system.

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