JUDICIAL ROTATION AS CENTRIPETAL FORCE: SENTENCING IN THE COURT COMMUNITIES OF SOUTH CAROLINA*

Published date01 February 2017
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9125.12132
Date01 February 2017
AuthorRHYS HESTER
JUDICIAL ROTATION AS CENTRIPETAL FORCE:
SENTENCING IN THE COURT COMMUNITIES
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
RHYS HESTER
Robina Institute of Criminal Law and Criminal Justice, University of Minnesota
Law School
KEYWORDS: sentencing, judicial decision-making, court communities, legal culture,
qualitative interviews
Courts as communities theory emphasizes the sentencing differences that can arise
between localities within a single state. The results of published studies have highlighted
how local differences emerge based on informal sociological and political processes
defined by the communities perspective. The findings from recent quantitative studies
from South Carolina have revealed notably less county variation in sentencing than
has been observed elsewhere. I use qualitative interviews with 13 South Carolina trial
judges to investigate sentencing processes and to shed light on these findings. The in-
terviews explore the state’s legal structure and culture, including the practice of circuit
rotation in which judges travel among counties holding court. The results suggest rota-
tion serves as a centripetal force of sentencing culture, homogenizing what might other-
wise be a more varied collection of county-specific norms. Rotation leads to increased
uniformity through judge shopping and the cross-pollination of ideas and norms. De-
fendants can strategically judge shop and plead in front of a lenient judge—a process
that gives rise to the term “plea judge,” which is a label for the most lenient judges
who sentence a large number of defendants. Rotation also increases the interactions
among judges and prosecutors, expanding networks and grapevines, and leading to
cross-pollination and the sharing of ideas.
When it comes to sentencing, location matters. This has been the premise of numer-
ous studies during the past 50 years—from the seminal efforts of Eisenstein, Flemming,
and Nardulli (1988) and Myers and Talarico (1987), to a more recent proliferation of
multilevel research (e.g., Britt, 2000; Fearn, 2005; Johnson, 2006; Johnson, Ulmer, and
Kramer, 2008; Kautt, 2002; Kramer and Ulmer, 2009; Ulmer and Johnson, 2004; Wang
and Mears, 2010; Weidner, Frase, and Schultz, 2005). These studies were premised (im-
plicitly or explicitly) on the court communities perspective, which explains how individ-
ual court communities develop localized legal cultures that exhibit geographic variation
in case-processing norms, going rates, and substantive punishments. Local courts are
I would like to thank Joshua C. Cochran, Richard S. Frase, Julian V. Roberts, Michael Tonry, and
Ronald Wright for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper. I would also like to thank Eric
Baumer and the anonymous reviewers for their feedback and direction.
Direct correspondence to Rhys Hester, Robina Institute of Criminal Law and Criminal Jus-
tice, University of Minnesota Law School, 229 19th Avenue South, Minneapolis, MN 55455
(rahester@umn.edu).
C2017 American Society of Criminology doi: 10.1111/1745-9125.12132
CRIMINOLOGY Volume 55 Number 1 205–235 2017 205
206 HESTER
considered to be “policy arenas” (Ulmer and Kramer, 1996: 384), and the different poli-
cies that develop across geographic subdivisions create a varied landscape of norms and
sentencing outcomes. The aim of this line of research is, thus, focused on the differences
between local courts or on what Eisenstein, Flemming, and Nardulli (1988) referred to as
“the contours of justice.” Location matters in sentencing because norms, practices, and
outcomes vary by place.
Although the literature on environmental and contextual court influences comprises
numerous studies aimed at focusing on differences between counties and districts, I build
on this line of research from the opposite angle. By using qualitative interviews with trial
judges from South Carolina, I examine ways that structural and cultural characteristics of
a jurisdiction can reduce local differences—how factors can create a force toward greater
uniformity rather than significant geographic variability. This inquiry is sparked by the
results of recent quantitative studies of sentencing in South Carolina that have revealed
less county-to-county variation in both the decision to incarcerate and the sentence-length
decision than has been found in studies of other jurisdictions (Hester, 2012; Hester and
Sevigny, 2014). The nature of county variation in South Carolina is noteworthy because
the state never adopted sentencing guidelines and, thus, should reveal more diverse prac-
tices and outcomes than those uncovered in guidelines jurisdictions (which account for
most research sites examined in the latest wave of court context research).
Judicial structure and statewide legal culture may hold some answers for these un-
expected findings. South Carolina continues to employ the practice of judicial rota-
tion wherein all judges travel from county to county holding court, a structural fea-
ture that could mitigate the development of localized patterns and spread sentencing
norms statewide. The theoretical ground of state legal culture remains uncultivated by re-
searchers compared with the numerous studies published in the county legal culture liter-
ature. Still, the courts as communities research suggests several normalizing mechanisms
that would lead to more uniform statewide culture. For example, Nardulli, Eisenstein,
and Flemming (1988) noted that state codes, rules, and resources could impart a more
statewide influence on legal culture. They speculated that repeated opportunities for in-
teractions among courtroom personnel—things like statewide attorney meetings, publica-
tions, and other “grapevines”—could lead to unexpected developments in statewide legal
culture (Nardulli, Eisenstein, and Flemming, 1988: 164–5). Yet, as noted, researchers in
the formational courts as communities ethnography found pronounced local county land-
scapes that differed substantially in legal culture and outcomes. Although the results of
studies have advanced this key aspect of the court communities perspective, the issue of
greater statewide culture has remained unstudied by criminologists.
I build on the nascent state culture foundation through qualitative interviews with state
trial judges. In so doing, I answer recent calls for more qualitative sentencing research.
Ulmer (2012: 33), for example, has urged a “major renewal of court community ethnog-
raphy,” with a focus on the “in situ decisions and activities of courtroom workgroup par-
ticipants, and how these are shaped by their surrounding court community contexts.” A
new era of qualitative research is particularly needed because the leading ethnographic
sentencing studies were conducted decades ago1and a whole array of reforms has come
to reshape sentencing practices dramatically since then.
1. For notable exceptions of contemporary qualitative research related to courts, see Clair and Winter
(2016); King et al. (2005); Ulmer (1997); Ulmer and Kramer (1996); and Wright and Levine (2014).

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