Jimmy Carter, Alfred Kahn, and airline deregulation: anatomy of a policy success.

AuthorBrown, John Howard
PositionEssay

Although the presidency of Jimmy Carter (1977-81) is widely regarded as a failure, the deregulation movement that was largely initiated during his term in office was and remains a very successful policy. This essay focuses on airline deregulation in particular. There are several reasons for this emphasis.

First, airlines were the first of the transportation industries to experience deregulation. Second, airline deregulation and transportation deregulation in general produced unambiguous benefits. In contrast, the benefits of financial deregulation initiated in the same period are much cloudier. Finally, the measures adopted were largely those proposed by the community of economists who had studied the performance of the airline industry. Indeed, the leader of the Civil Aeronautics Board in the initial stages of deregulation was Alfred Kahn, an economist who had quite literally written the book on regulation.

The context of this policy success was the unsatisfactory performance of the American economy during the 1970s due to "stagflation." The deregulation movement represented an attempt to remove microeconomic rigidities in the economy so that the economy would be less inflation prone. Although the current consensus appears to be that stagflation had monetary roots, eliminating these rigidities nonetheless represented an important step in modernizing the U.S. economy.

The essay begins by discussing two of the preconditions for the deregulation movement of the 1970s: the unsatisfactory performance, relative to recent experience, of the U.S. economy and the growing scholarly consensus in favor of liberalizing the existing regulatory mechanisms. Next I examine the process of deregulation first through administrative liberalization and later through statutory enactments. Then I detail the specific provisions of the Airline Deregulation Act of 1978 and outline the empirical economics literature regarding the effects of airline deregulation. (1) A brief conclusion summarizes what lessons may be learned from this policy.

Economic Performance and Microeconomic Rigidity

Economic regulation at the federal level first came to the United States with the passage of the Interstate Commerce Act of 1888, which was aimed at railroads. This legislation and the regulatory commission established in it created the template for subsequent federal regulatory actions. Economic regulation was extended to other transportation industries (motor carriers, interstate pipelines, airlines, etc.) during the 1930s. The postwar performance of the U.S. economy appeared to validate the mix of market and government regulation that emerged from the 1930s.

However, the postwar "Golden Age" stumbled to an end during the 1970s. For instance, none of the last five years of the 1960s had an annual unemployment rate higher than 3.8 percent, whereas no year in the 1970s had an annual unemployment rate of less than 4.9 percent. The performance of inflation was similarly dismal. Only 1972 offered an inflation rate (measured by the gross domestic product [GDP] implicit price deflator) that was lower than the worst inflation performance of the latter 1960s (4.9 percent in 1969) (U.S. Council of Economic Advisors 2013, tables B3 and B42).

This toxic combination of simultaneous historically high rates of inflation and unemployment earned the sobriquet stagflation. The so-called Phillips Curve relationship that had served as the basis for macroeconomic policy during the 1960s appeared to have vanished.

The structure of the American economy was significantly different in 1970 than it is in 2013. Significant sectors of the economy were subject to government regulation. These regulations typically included control over prices, entry and exit in markets, and often additional business practices. In addition, all regulated industries were required to report voluminous statistics to regulators.

Three sectors were particularly notable for the extensive regulation to which they were subjected. The first was the so-called FIRE sector, representing finance, insurance, and real estate. One rationale for regulating these industries was the moral-hazard problem created by the deposit-insurance systems created during the Great Depression. The next was the public-utilities sector, where regulation had been justified since the late nineteenth century on the basis of the sector's alleged natural-monopoly characteristics.

The final sector was transportation industries. These industries were initially regulated by the Interstate Commerce Act of 1888, which was intended to rein in the combination of price discrimination and ruinous competition that characterized the railroad industry in that era. The 1930s and 1940s saw essentially all other public-transportation modes become regulated by the federal government. Interstate trucking firms, barges, pipelines, bus lines, and airlines all found themselves regulated by some federal entity. (2)

The regulation of airlines commenced with the Civil Aeronautics Act of 1938. The act established the Civil Aeronautics Board (CAB) (3) as a regulatory agency with comprehensive powers over the industry. The CAB was empowered by the statute to control entry and exit into both the industry and individual routes. It also had the authority to regulate fares in a manner similar to the Interstate Commerce Commission. In addition, it exercised regulatory control over industry mergers and intercompany contracting, while immunizing firms in the industry from antitrust scrutiny. Finally, the CAB was charged with offering subsidies to promote air service and preventing deceptive trade practices and unfair methods of competition. This latter mission was similar to the charge of the Federal Trade Commission (Bailey, Graham, and Kaplan 1985, 11).

Like most sectors of the economy, the airline industry thrived in the postwar economy. For instance, revenue passenger-miles (a basic measure of traffic) grew from approximately 10 billion in 1950 to nearly 100 billion in 1970. Rapid technical advances aided the industry's climb. In particular, the rapid adoption of jet aircraft during the late 1950s and early 1960s improved industry performance substantially. Revenue yield per passenger-mile fell by nearly 50 percent in constant dollar terms (Bailey, Graham, and Kaplan 1985, fig.1.2).

However, entry was essentially blockaded. The only truly competitive city-pair markets existed where intrastate airlines not subjected to federal regulation were viable (California, Texas, and Tennessee). In 1962, only California had a viable trunk-line competitor, Pacific Southwest, whose market share in the Los Angeles-San Francisco city pair was about 25 to 30 percent (Caves 1962, 13). The effect of this unregulated competitor on airfares was dramatic.

As the 1960s progressed, the Brookings Institute, with funding provided by the Ford Foundation, initiated a program to review the regulation of economic activity (Derthick and Quirk 1985, 35). The empirical evidence accumulated in this program suggested that economic regulation generally resulted in economic inefficiency.

Another arrow in reform advocates' quiver was the increasing skepticism regarding the traditional "public-interest" theories of regulation. The theory that assumed "that markets are extremely fragile" and "government regulation is virtually costless" (Posner 1974, 1) was displaced by "capture theory," which held "that over time regulatory agencies come to be dominated by the industries regulated" (Posner 1974, 12). This domination was a consequence of the continual close association of regulators and regulated. The industries also constituted the most plausible source of employment for regulators after their terms of office.

Another alternative was posed by Sam Peltzman (1976). This theory relates the regulatory impulse to the rent-seeking theories of the public-choice school. In this model, regulators have the ability to generate economic profits for incumbent firms through their control of entry. As Peltzman characterizes the relationship, regulators can "tax" consumers to the benefit of the regulated. Because consumer interests are diffuse and the "tax" is small relative to most individuals, organized opposition to this imposition is rare. However, the firms and industries benefited have a large interest in the outcome and...

To continue reading

Request your trial

VLEX uses login cookies to provide you with a better browsing experience. If you click on 'Accept' or continue browsing this site we consider that you accept our cookie policy. ACCEPT