Involvement of the Personal Social Network as a Factor in Parent Education Effectiveness

AuthorSusan K. Walker,David A. Riley
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3729.2001.00186.x
Published date01 April 2001
Date01 April 2001
186 Family Relations
Involvement of the Personal Social Network as a Factor in
Parent Education Effectiveness
Susan K. Walker*and David A. Riley
This study examined the impact of mothers’ involvement with their social networks upon their self-reported changes in behaviors and
attitudes due to a parenting intervention—in this case monthly, age-paced parenting newsletters. Path analyses revealed that discussing
and sharing newsletter copies with others was associated with greater self-reported change but did not significantly mediate the
relationship between newsletter use and parental change. Rather, individual use of the newsletter and social sharing of the content
had independent effects on parenting. The results support a general view that the advice of parenting programs is not accepted or
rejected in a vacuum, but often within the context of discussions within the participants’ existing social networks. This suggests two
practical implications for program developers: (a) Interventions might be more effective if they encouraged such social network
processing of program advice, and (b) programs might even target social networks rather than individual parents as their clients.
Aconsiderable body of research and theory exist on the
influence of social networks on parents (Cochran & Nie-
gro, 1995) and on the influence of parenting education
programs on parents (Carter, 1996). Few studies have attempted
to link these two domains by asking how the parent’s ongoing
social network interactions influence the impact of parenting pro-
grams, however. Consider, for example, the first-time mother
quoted by Riley, Meinhart, Nelson, Salisbury, and Winnett
(1991) in an evaluation of instructional newsletters for new par-
ents: ‘‘I use the articles to confirm what my doctor said when
relatives said they did it different, so it made me feel more con-
fident about what I was doing and my doctor’s advice’’ (p. 250).
This was a parent who balanced the advice of a parenting inter-
vention (the newsletters) with the advice she got from two other
sources: kinfolk and her physician. If this mother’s experience
is typical, then the impact of parenting programs should never
be studied as a ‘‘main effect’’ butrather as an ‘‘interaction’’ with
the other, preexisting sources of advice available to parents.
Evaluations of parenting education programs have rarely
considered the influence of preexisting personal social networks
on their outcomes, despite the advice of earlier scholars (Ooms,
1981; Weiss, 1987). Much of the research has examined the ef-
fect of the social network on program selection (Crockenburg,
1986), utilization (Birkel & Reppucci, 1983), or participation
(Unger & Wandersman, 1988). The findings from these corre-
lational studies indicate that parents belonging to smaller,denser
networks (i.e., those with fewer total members, those with a
higher degree of interrelationships) are less likely to use or ben-
efit from parent education programs or turn to professionals for
child-rearing advice and information.
Another body of research evaluates parent education pro-
grams that aim to create social support processes within the pro-
gram. McGuire and Gottlieb (1979) provided an excellent early
example of this strategy in a short-term experimental study of
social support groups for new parents. Although led by physi-
cians and their spouses (i.e., experts), the treatment groups ex-
plicitly avoided any curriculum and focused on learning from
each others’ experiences. Slaughter (1983) also studied social
support as a parenting intervention, but in a longer term inter-
*Address correspondence to: Susan K. Walker,Ph.D., Department of Family Studies,
University of Maryland—College Park, 1204 Marie Mount Hall, College Park, MD 20742;
(301) 405-8339; e-mail: sw141@umail.umd.edu
Key Words: infancy, newsletters, parent education, social networks.
(Family Relations, 2001, 50, 186–193)
vention that included mothers’ discussion groups lasting 2 years.
In her words, ‘‘Groups became ‘mini-families’ in which personal
and familial triumphs and problems were shared . . . a new form
of social participation was ultimately established by the mothers
themselves toward a common task-oriented goal: effective child
rearing’’ (pp. 72–73). Somewhat surprisingly, this ‘‘network-
building’’ intervention was found to be more consistently effec-
tive in producing maternal and child development gains (in a
low-income, African American sample) than was the other in-
tervention, a toy demonstration program that taught parenting
skills. Slaughter concluded that ‘‘socially engineered self-help
networks, as well as spontaneously generated ones (Stack, 1974),
can positively affect’’ the child rearing efforts of parents (p. 75).
Indeed, one of the tenets of the family support movement is that
every parent and family needs a supportive community and that
formal parent education may even be unnecessary in a function-
ing community (Garbarino & Kostelny, 1994). One widespread
example of this idea today is the nationally replicated Parents
Anonymous discussion groups (Rafael & Pion-Berlin, 1999).
Of interest here is the interaction of the two separate systems
of the personal social network and the parenting program. How
do parents integrate the content of a parenting program into their
preexisting network of influences and understandings? In turn,
does that integration affect the impact of the program? Some
scholars have suggested that the social network can influence
program outcome by acting as an interpreter or reinforcer of the
information provided by the formal program (Chrisman & Klein-
man, 1983; Warren, 1981). Cochran (1990) also suggesteda par-
allel rather than an interactive process in which social network
interactions could duplicate those of a parent education program,
thereby strengthening its impact on parenting beliefs and behav-
iors.Cochran and Henderson (1990) were the first to explicitly
hypothesize and then demonstrate that a parenting program
might have its impact indirectly by influencing social network
interactions outside the program. Their program of family sup-
port led to changes in the kin and nonkin support networks of
participating families which, in turn, led to differences in their
children’s school performance, in particular for single parent
families. Cochran, Riley, Gunnarsson, and Larner (1990) sug-
gested that ‘‘Rather than inventing new programs from whole
cloth, so to speak, one might instead concentrate on reinforcing
the naturally occurring social systems used by families and com-
munities to build on strengths and channel social behavior’’ (p.
311).
In the Cochran and Henderson (1990) study, social support

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