Intimate Partner Abuse and Homicide During the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Situational Action Theory Analysis

Published date01 May 2024
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/10439862241245882
AuthorKyle Treiber
Date01 May 2024
https://doi.org/10.1177/10439862241245882
Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice
2024, Vol. 40(2) 290 –323
© The Author(s) 2024
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DOI: 10.1177/10439862241245882
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Article
Intimate Partner Abuse
and Homicide During the
COVID-19 Pandemic: A
Situational Action Theory
Analysis
Kyle Treiber1
Abstract
During the COVID-19 pandemic, stay-at-home restrictions significantly changed
people’s daily lives around the world. Opportunity and strain theories predict
this would lead to an increase in intimate partner abuse (IPA), including intimate
partner homicide (IPH). This paper applies an alternative theoretical framework—
situational action theory (SAT)—to explain mixed findings regarding changes in IPA
and unexpected findings regarding (a lack of) changes in IPH. It is argued that SAT
may contribute to explaining the impact of stay-at-home restrictions on IPA and IPH
in three important ways:
1. by addressing the fact that motivation is necessary but not sufficient for
explaining action and better specifying how motivation translates into IPA
and IPH;
2. by addressing the fact that people perceive different alternatives for action
and better specifying why some people come to see IPA and IPH as acceptable
action alternatives;
3. by addressing the fact that exposure affects people differently and better
specifying how stay-at-home restrictions shaped people’s activity fields and, in
turn, their perceptions and action choices.
Keywords
situational action theory, intimate partner abuse, femicide, perception-choice
process, activity field
1University of Cambridge, UK
Corresponding Author:
Kyle Treiber, Associate Professor in Neurocriminology, Institute of Criminology, University of
Cambridge, Sidgwick Avenue, Cambridge CB3 9DA, UK.
Email: kht25@cam.ac.uk
1245882CCJXXX10.1177/10439862241245882Journal of Contemporary Criminal JusticeTreiber
research-article2024
Treiber 291
Introduction
During the COVID-19 pandemic, stay-at-home restrictions significantly changed peo-
ple’s daily lives worldwide. Two prominent criminological perspectives predicted this
would lead to an increase in all forms of intimate partner abuse (IPA), including inti-
mate partner homicide (IPH). Opportunity theories argue that crime happens when the
right conditions converge—a willing offender, a potential target, and a lack of con-
trols; this perspective predicted IPA would increase under stay-at-home restrictions
because these conditions would arise more often when partners spent more time
together isolated from moderating influences. Strain theories argue that crime happens
when people experience stressors and cope through criminal means; this perspective
predicted IPA would increase during stay-at-home restrictions because this created
new and exacerbated existing sources of strain between partners and limited their
means of coping. While increases in IPA during the pandemic period (roughly 2020-
2022) have been widely reported and evocatively described as a “shadow pandemic”
(UN Women, 2020), the empirical landscape is complex and the overall picture unclear
in terms of substantive changes in IPA, as well as in opportunities and strains. In
particular, the expectation that IPH would increase in line with, arguably as an
extension of, increases in other forms of IPA has not been borne out in the global data
(Aebi et al., 2021; Miller et al., 2022). This paper applies an alternative theoretical
framework—situational action theory (SAT)—to address shortcomings in the expla-
nations proffered by opportunity and strain perspectives and take better account of
differences in people, settings, and their interaction in explaining mixed findings
regarding changes in IPA during the pandemic period, and unexpected findings regard-
ing (a lack of) changes in IPH.
IPA During the Pandemic
Intimate Partner Abuse
When stay-at-home restrictions were implemented during the pandemic period, there
was little concrete understanding of how the resulting changes in people’s activity
fields—the constellation of settings in which they spend their time during a given
period (Wikström et al., 2012)—would affect their well-being and behavior. An impor-
tant area of concern was the impact on crime. IPA is one of the most widespread forms
of crime in the home. IPA refers to a range of malicious behaviors between romantic
and/or sexual partners, including physical, sexual, and psychological mistreatment
(Breiding et al., 2015; UN General Assembly, 1993). To allow for both clarity and
nuance, in this paper “IPA” is used in reference to all forms of intimate partner mis-
treatment collectively apart from intimate partner homicide (“IPH”), while “IPP”
refers specifically to psychological abuse (e.g., gaslighting, threats, and coercion), and
“ IPV” specifically to nonlethal physical abuse.
Most studies focus on IPA perpetrated by males against females, and thus IPA is
included as a significant form of violence against women, with approximately one in
292 Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 40(2)
three women experiencing IPA in their lifetime (see, for example, Sardinha et al., 2022;
White et al., 2024; World Health Organization, 2021). Comparable rates and similar
predictors have been reported for male victimization, raising questions about the dis-
tinctiveness of IPA between the sexes, as well as the reliability of IPA data (Barton-
Crosby, 2017; Chan, 2011; Hamberger & Larsen, 2015; Hamby, 2014; Hardesty &
Ogolsky, 2020; Krahé et al., 2005; Larsen & Hamberger, 2015; Spencer et al., 2022).
This is not an issue with which this paper will grapple, as it suggests the causes of IPA
are the same regardless of the sex of those involved, that is, the same factors will be
implicated even if they may be more frequently associated with people of a particular
sex. The same is held to be true for IPH where sex differences are much starker; females
are at much greater risk of being killed by an intimate partner than males: around 80%
of IPH victims are female, and an intimate partner is implicated in 40% of female and
only 5% of male homicides (Spencer & Stith, 2020; Stöckl et al., 2013).
An important conceptual question is whether forms of IPA lie along a continuum,
sharing similar causes, with more severe behaviors reflecting more aggravated forms,
or if they represent distinct phenomenon with different causes. The former view domi-
nates, placing IPH at one extreme of a continuum beginning with psychological abuse
and escalating into physical violence (Campbell et al., 2007; Cunha & Goncalves,
2016; Dugan et al., 2003; Matias et al., 2020; Reckdenwald & Parker, 2012; Spencer
& Stith, 2020). IPA is often a precursor for IPH; around 75% of IPH cases feature a
history of IPA (Campbell et al., 2007; Cunha & Goncalves, 2016; Matias et al., 2020;
Spencer & Stith, 2020), and a recent meta-analysis (Spencer & Stith, 2020) found fac-
tors distinguishing IPV and IPH differed more in degree than in kind. One factor that
consistently distinguishes IPH is the perpetrator’s willingness to use lethal force (e.g.,
strangulation) or access to a deadly weapon (especially a firearm) (Campbell et al.,
2007; Cunha & Goncalves, 2016; Matias et al., 2020; Spencer & Stith, 2020). Several
studies also identify acute events triggering escalation of IPA to IPH, for example, the
ending of the relationship or a partner’s infidelity (Aebi et al., 2021; Aguilar Ruiz
et al., 2023; Cunha & Goncalves, 2016; Sheehan et al., 2015). These features of IPH
will be considered in relation to the impact of stay-at-home restrictions on intimate
partner dynamics.
(How) Did IPA Change During the Pandemic Period?
Although a wave of publications appeared in the initial wake of the pandemic predicting
a “shadow pandemic” (UN Women, 2020), based on preliminary and anecdotal evi-
dence, as a wider perspective and evidence base has developed, the picture remains
unclear (Miller et al., 2022). Many studies report increases in IPA, but those encompass-
ing more data and accounting for more confounds suggest these increases are smaller
than predicted (Piquero et al., 2021; Thiel et al., 2022; Uzoho et al., 2023) and vary sig-
nificantly, with IPA increasing in some contexts (e.g., Evcili & Demirel, 2022; Hamadani
et al., 2020; Keilholtz et al., 2023; Romito et al., 2022; Soeiro et al., 2023), remaining
unchanged in some contexts (e.g., Chiaramonte et al., 2022; Miller et al., 2022; Tierolf

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