Interstate Conflict Can Reduce Support for Incumbents: Evidence from the Israeli Electorate and the Yom Kippur War

AuthorAnna Getmansky,Chagai M. Weiss
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00220027221114086
Published date01 February 2023
Date01 February 2023
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Journal of Conf‌lict Resolution
2023, Vol. 67(2-3) 326348
© The Author(s) 2022
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/00220027221114086
journals.sagepub.com/home/jcr
Interstate Conf‌lict Can
Reduce Support for
Incumbents: Evidence from
the Israeli Electorate and the
Yom Kippur War
Anna Getmansky
1
and Chagai M. Weiss
2
Abstract
Does war affect support for incumbent leaders and parties? The literature is divide d
with studies reporting negative, positive, or null-effects. Many studies analyze the
consequences of foreign intervention, and less is known about the political costs of
wars fought close to home. Building on theories of retrospective voting, we theorize
that wars inform voters about leaders competence, and in turn affect mass attitudes
and behaviors. Leveraging the unexpected onset of the 1973 Yom Kippur war which
interrupted an ongoing Israeli public opinion poll, and voting records from four national
elections linked with Israeli military fatality data, we demonstrate that despite the
ultimate military victory, the war and its casualties reduced support for incumbent
parties and leaders, and increased support for the opposition. By moving beyond
foreign interventions, we provide strong evidence that wars over a countrys core
territory can be politically costly for incumbent leaders and parties.
Keywords
military fatalities, war, elections, retrospective voting
1
Department of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK
2
Department of Political Science, University of WisconsinMadison, Madison, WI, USA
Corresponding Author:
Anna Getmansky, Department of International Relations, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE, UK.
Email: a.getmansky@lse.ac.uk
Introduction
Wars can have profound political consequences for democratic leaders. Understanding
these consequences, and especially how voters reward or punish elected off‌icials for
their war performance, can shed light on the circumstances under which leaders are
willing to use force. That said, the existing literature, which has focused almost entirely
on US and UK foreign interventions, does not reach a clear conclusion regarding the
political effects of war.
Indeed, many studies report that wars and their costs are detrimental for leaders
public support (Croco 2011;Karol and Miguel 2007). In contrast, theories relating to
the rally-round-the-f‌lageffect (Baker and Oneal 2001), and frameworks emphasizing
citizenssensitivity to past costs of conf‌lict (Boettcher and Cobb 2009), suggest that
wars and their fatalities can increase support for incumbents. Furthermore, others argue
that wars and fatalitiesby themselvesdo not affect support for leaders, and that instead
partisanship and elite discourse shape how voters assess leaderswar performance
(Berinsky 2007). These diverging f‌indings, and the the limited consideration of cases
other than US and UK foreign interventions, motivate additional attention which can
enhance our understanding of whether, when, and how wars affect political attitudes
and behaviors.
Building on theories of retrospective voting which have mostly been used to link
between economic performance and support for incumbents (Healy and Malhotra
2013), we argue that wars and their costs provide voters with information about leaders
competence. Accordingly, voters observe the dynamics of war and its outcomes, and
attribute the consequences of wars to the performance of elected off‌icials. Based on this
attribution, voters form beliefs about the competence of their leaders, which in turn
shape their political attitudes and behaviors. We apply this model to generate hy-
potheses about how war and its costs lead voters to withdraw support from incumbents,
and instead support the opposition. To test our hypotheses, we focus on Israeli voters
reaction to the Yom-Kippur war.
The Yom Kippur war is especially informative because it was unanticipated by the
Israeli public and many of its leaders, and it provided a strong negative shock to
Israelissense of security. Moreover, the war broke out during an election year, and
interrupted an ongoing national public opinion poll. This provides us with a rare
opportunity to examine how the experience of an interstate war affects political at-
titudes. We further leverage the fact that national elections took place 2 months after the
end of the war to examine the effect of military casualties on local election patterns in
the immediate aftermath of the war as well as 4 years after its conclusion.
Together, our empirical analyses of public opinion data and voting records sur-
rounding the Yom-Kippur war provide strong support for our theoretical framework of
retrospective voting. Specif‌ically, comparing pre- and post-war survey respondents we
f‌ind that the Prime Ministers popularity dropped by over 19 percentage points in the
post-war surveys. In addition, the overall support for the incumbent party dropped by
over 10 percentage points after the war, whereas support for the main opposition party
Getmansky and Weiss 327

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