International Investment Disputes, Media Coverage, and Backlash Against International Law
Published date | 01 July 2022 |
DOI | 10.1177/00220027221081925 |
Date | 01 July 2022 |
Author | Ryan Brutger,Anton Strezhnev |
Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
Journal of Conflict Resolution
2022, Vol. 66(6) 983–1009
© The Author(s) 2022
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DOI: 10.1177/00220027221081925
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International Investment
Disputes, Media Coverage,
and Backlash Against
International Law
Ryan Brutger
1
and Anton Strezhnev
2
Abstract
This paper puts forth a theory explaining domestic backlash against international in-
vestment law by connecting media coverage—specifically the bias in the news media’s
selection of international disputes—to public opinion formation towards international
agreements. To test our theory, we examine both the content and effects of the
media’s reporting on international disputes, focusing on the increasingly controversial
form known as investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). We find that newspaper
outlets in both the United States and Canada have a bias in favor of covering disputes
filed against their home country as opposed to those filed by home country firms. Using
two national survey experiments fielded in the United States and Canada, we further
find that the bias in news story selection has a strong negative effect on attitudes
towards ISDS and related agreements, especially among highly nationalistic individuals.
Keywords
international law, domestic politics, international cooperation, international
institutions, backlash, public opinion, investor-state dispute settlement, ISDS
1
Travers Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley, CA, USA
2
Department of Political Science, University of Chicago, Chicago, USA
Corresponding Author:
Ryan Brutger, Travers Department of Political Science, University of California, Social Sciences Building,
Berkeley, CA, USA.
Email: brutger@berkeley.edu
Introduction
An important area of international law known as investor-state dispute settlement
(ISDS) is facing an acute crisis of domestic backlash, which is threatening to destabilize
the international investment regime. The expansion of ISDS provisions in bilateral and
multinational trade agreements during the 2000s and early 2010s has placed increasing
scrutiny on this once obscure area of international law. In the United States, the issue
garnered significant attention from a wide range of media outlets and politicians during
the debate over whether to ratify the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Senator Elizabeth
Warren bluntly summed up her concern about ISDS’s inclusion in the TPP, noting that
“Agreeing to ISDS in this enormous new treaty would tilt the playing field in the United
States further in favor of big multinational corporations. Worse, it would undermine
U.S. sovereignty”(Warren, 2015). Similar backlash has extended across the political
spectrum, with Republican congressmen arguing for the removal of ISDS from NAFTA
because they view it as “undermining our sovereignty and threatening our system of
federalism with a form of international preemption”(Donovan, Fitzpatrick, and Joyce,
2017). Furthermore, the successor agreement to NAFTA, the U.S.–Mexico–Canada
Agreement (USMCA), has much more limited ISDS provisions in place between the
U.S. and Mexico, while Canada has withdrawn from the ISDS chapter entirely
(Debevoise & Plimpton, 2020). Likewise, the New Zealand Prime Minister announced
in the wake of the TPP negotiations that her Cabinet had “instructed trade negotiation
officials to oppose ISDS in any future free trade agreements”(New Zealand
Government, 2017).
While investor-state dispute settlement is included in more than 3000 international
agreements, a substantial growth in the number of claims being filed (Hafner-Burton,
Puig, and Victor, 2016) and the push to incorporate investment provisions within
bilateral and multilateral trade liberalization agreements has increased media, political,
and public attention on the issue. Recent scholarship has shown how this expansion of
claims has led states to alter their behavior: limiting their participation in new in-
vestment agreements (Poulsen and Aisbett, 2013), while renegotiating their existing
commitments (Haftel and Thompson, 2018). This is often done with the aim of
narrowing their obligations through greater precision in treaty language (Manger and
Peinhardt, 2017) in light of the growing scope of investor claims (Pelc, 2017).
1
Legal
scholarship has long debated the question of ISDS legitimacy and whether the arbi-
tration system is suffering a general legitimacy crisis as a consequence of its structure
and its decision-making outputs (e.g., Franck, 2004;Giorgetti, 2013;Waibel et al.,
2010). However, what explains the backlash to ISDS among the mass public remains an
open question.
The argument we propose focuses on the link between the international disputes,
media coverage of the disputes, and the resulting domestic attitudes toward interna-
tional law and ISDS. We argue that when states enter into international legal disputes,
domestic audiences update their beliefs about whether international institutions and
international law are beneficial or harmful to their and their country’s interests. While
984 Journal of Conflict Resolution 66(6)
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