The Institutional and Demographic Determinants of Latino Representation

Date01 August 2009
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.3162/036298009788897781
Published date01 August 2009
AuthorJASON P. CASELLAS
399Determinants of Latino Representation
LEGISLATIVE STUDIES QUARTERLY, XXXIV, 3, August 2009 399
JASON P. CASELLAS
The University of Texas at Austin
The Institutional and
Demographic Determinants
of Latino Representation
Under what conditions are Latino candidates elected to Congress and state
legislatures? How much does the ethnic composition of a district affect the chances
that a Latino candidate will be elected in that district? Latinos constitute the single
largest minority group in the country, one that is growing at an exponential rate.
Post-2000 redistricting created more majority-Latino districts, but the absolute number
of Latino legislators did not increase correspondingly. My analysis demonstrates that
states with citizen legislatures and with higher legislative turnover rates are more
conducive to the election of Latino candidates than are other states. Institutional and
demographic differences among states affect the states’ Latino descriptive represen-
tation. Namely, the institutional design of the legislature matters in terms of electoral
responsiveness, with Arizona and California being the most responsive bodies and
New York and the U.S. House the least responsive.
Latino membership1 in American legislative institutions has no
doubt increased in the past decade, but Latinos are still descriptively
underrepresented in Congress and state legislatures. This article
examines Latino representation in all 50 states by tracking the number
of Latino representatives serving in legislatures over the past decade
and comparing the percentage of Latinos in the state population with
the percentage of Latinos in each legislature. Congress has long been
the focal point for studies of representation, but this is the first
comparative analysis of Congress and state legislatures.
This analysis offers significant advantages. First, it increases the
number of Latino legislators who can be studied. Only 23 Latinos
currently serve in Congress (excluding Resident Commissioner Luis
Fortuño of Puerto Rico), so focusing exclusively on how those
politicians gained office does not provide adequate leverage on the
central questions of Latino representation. Approximately 220 Latino
representatives serve in the 50 state legislatures, offering scholars a
400 Jason P. Casellas
much larger pool. Second, broadening the study to include state
legislators increases the variance in the explanatory variables. Some
states have high concentrations of Latino constituents; most do not.
Some states have been more aggressive than others in creating majority-
Latino districts. Some states elect two or more legislators from the
same districts. This increased variance makes it easier to measure the
effects of demographic patterns, districting arrangements, and electoral
laws on the election of Latino candidates. Third, state legislatures often
provide the stepping-stones to Congress. Examining Latino represen-
tation in state legislatures offers a window on the future of Latinos in
Congress. Finally, state legislatures are themselves important. One
cannot understand domestic policymaking without appreciating the
role of state governments and state legislatures. At the state level, Latino
representation in the legislature largely reflects the percentage of
Latinos in the population. Additionally, some states have much higher
turnover rates in their legislatures, thus opening up more seats for Latino
candidates to win. Similarly, Latino candidates have better chances of
being elected in states that have enacted term limits, which eliminate
40
30
20
10
0
AK
AL
AR
AZ
CA
CO
CT
DE
FL
GA
HI
IA
ID
IL
IN
KS
KY
LA
MA
MD
ME
MI
MN
MO
MS
MT
NC
ND
NH
NJ
NM
NV
NY
OH
OK
OR
PA
RI
SC
SD
TN
TX
UTVA
VT
WA
WI
W
V
WY
0 10203040
% Latino Population in State
% Latinos Serving in Legislature
FIGURE 1
Latino Representation in U.S. State Lower Houses, 2004

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