Infracompetitive Privacy

AuthorGregory Day & Abbey Stemler
PositionAssistant Professor, University of Georgia, Terry College of Business, Courtesy Appointment, University of Georgia School of Law/Assistant Professor, Indiana University, Kelley School of Business; Faculty Associate, Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society at Harvard University; Consultant, World Bank Group; Affiliate, Ostrom Workshop
Pages61-106
61
Infracompetitive Privacy
Gregory Day* & Abbey Stemler**
ABSTRACT: One of the chief anticompetitive effects of modern business lies
in antitrust’s blind spot. Platform-based companies (“platforms”) have
mastered a business model whereby they offer users “free” and low-priced
services in exchange for their personal information. With this data, platforms
can design products, target advertising, and sell user information to third
parties. The problem is that platforms can inflict greater costs on users and
markets in the form of lost privacy than the efficiencies generated from their
low prices. As an example, users spend billions of dollars annually to remedy
privacy breaches and, indirectly but alarmingly, many users participate
without realization in experiments designed to manipulate their behaviors,
compromising their agency. But because antitrust’s framework typically uses
consumer prices to measure welfare, platforms and privacy injuries have
largely avoided antitrust scrutiny.
We argue that insufficient competition enables platforms to capture the
economic benefits of data while externalizing the costs of protecting it.
Consumers demand privacy yet firms in monopolized markets have powerful
incentives to shift the costs of protecting privacy onto society. To reduce the
rate of privacy breaches, an increase of competition would (1) allow users to
punish offending firms, (2) disseminate information about the true costs of
privacy, and (3) introduce more secure services into the market. Because
monopoly power encourages firms to disregard the privacy demands of users,
antitrust must evolve to recognize that the costs of inadequate privacy can
degrade consumer welfare more than artificially high prices.
I.INTRODUCTION ............................................................................... 62
II. THE UNIQUE COMMERCIAL NATURE OF TECHNOLOGY
PLATFORMS ..................................................................................... 67
A.THE DOMINANT PLATFORMS AND THEIR BUSINESSES .................. 68
B.CAPTURING AND EXTRACTING VALUE FROM DATA ...................... 72
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*
Assistant Professor, University of Georgia, Terry College of Business, Courtesy
Appointment, University of Georgia School of Law.
** Assistant Professor, Indiana University, Kelley School of Business; Faculty Associate,
Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society at Harvard University; Consultant, World Bank
Group; Affiliate, Ostrom Workshop.
62 IOWA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 105:61
C.FROM PIECES TO POWER ............................................................ 74
III. PRIVACY VULNERABILITY IN THE AGE OF PLATFORMS ..................... 78
A.THE LEGAL SCOPE OF PRIVACY ................................................... 78
B.PRIVACY HARMS ........................................................................ 80
1.Harms from Collecting Information ............................. 80
2.Harms from Analyzing Information .............................. 81
3.Harms from Disseminating Information ....................... 82
4.Harms from Manipulation Based on Information
and Insights ..................................................................... 84
IV. ANTITRUST AND INFRACOMPETITIVE PRIVACY ................................. 86
A.ANTITRUST EXPLAINED THROUGH A HISTORICAL CONTEXT ........ 86
B.THE SALIENCY OF PRICES, NOT PRIVACY, IN ANTITRUSTS
FRAMEWORK ............................................................................. 89
C.COMPETITION, PRIVACY, AND MARKET FAILURE ......................... 91
1.Punishment ...................................................................... 92
2.Information ..................................................................... 92
3.Consumer Choice & Quality .......................................... 93
D.ADDITIONAL SUPPORT ............................................................... 94
E.WHAT DOES THIS ALL MEAN .................................................... 96
V. BROADER IMPLICATIONS ................................................................. 98
A.WHEN MONOPOLY POWER, TECHNOLOGY AND THE
GOVERNMENT MEET ................................................................. 98
B.MERGER POLICY...................................................................... 101
C.RATIONALITY, BOUNDED RATIONALITY, AND IRRATIONAL
BEHAVIOR ............................................................................... 103
D.FUTURE RESEARCH .................................................................. 105
VI. CONCLUSION ................................................................................ 106
I. INTRODUCTION
At first blush, Google’s1 acquisition of the “smart” thermostat
manufacturer, Nest Labs, was as astonishing as it was perplexing.2 Observers
were initially puzzled by Google’s motivation. For a company synonymous
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1. Now organized under the umbrella company Alphabet. Larry Page, G Is for Google,
ALPHABET, https://abc.xyz [https://perma.cc/9NUE-FRNP]. Throughout this Article we will
refer to Alphabet and its subsidiaries as “Google.”
2. See generally James Walker, Google to Merge with Alphabet Smart Home Subsidiary Nest,
DIGITAL J. (Feb. 8, 2018), http://www.digitaljournal.com/tech-and-science/technology/google-
to-merge-with-alphabet-smart-home-subsidiary-nest/article/514340 [https://perma.cc/WSD5-
746L] (describing the acquisition).
2019] INFRACOMPETITIVE PRIVACY 63
with its search engine, email platform, and technology services, why had
Google sought to enter the thermostat market?3 Perhaps even more
interesting, why did Google spend $3.2 billion to do so?4 The answer to both
questions relates to data and its collection.5
It is hard to overstate the modern value of data. Platform-based
technology firms (“platforms”) thrive by attracting users with “free”6 and low-
priced services, enabling these companies to mine, exploit, and market their
users’ data to third parties.7 Google, for example, is able to capture personal
information from Gmail accounts8 while Uber can, as reports indicate, track
certain user activities even after one has deleted the company’s application
(“app”).9
The deal offered by platforms is this: Individuals may enjoy “free” or
cheap services in exchange for their personal information, which is turned

3. See Trefis Team, Google’s Strategy Behind the $3.2 Billion Acquisition of Nest Labs, FORBES
(Jan. 17, 2014, 2:57 PM), https://www.forbes.com/sites/greatspeculations/2014/01/17/googles-
strategy-behind-the-3-2-billion-acquisition-of-nest-labs [https://perma.cc/9AJ3-RHWV] (attempting
to explain why Google purchased Nest).
4. Lance Whitney, Google Closes $3.2 Billion Pu rchase of Nest, CNET (Feb. 12, 2014, 5:00
AM), https://www.cnet.com/news/google-closes-3-2-billion-purchase-of-nest [https://perma.cc/
5XC3-U8TF].
5. Casey Johnston, What Google Can Really Do with Nest, or Really, Nest’s Data, ARS TECHNICA
(Jan. 15, 2014, 6:30 PM), https://arstechnica.com/information-technology/2014/01/what-
google-can-really-do-with-nest-or-really-nests-data [https://perma.cc/3WW2-7VSU]; Leo Kelion,
Google-Nest Merger Raises Privacy Issues, BBC NEWS (Feb. 8, 2018), https://www.bbc.com/news/
technology-42989073 [https://perma.cc/L2M7-2YA2]; Rakesh Sharma, Google’s Acquisition of
Nest and Your Privacy, FORBES (Jan. 13, 2014, 9:07 PM), https://www.forbes.com/sites/rakesh
sharma/2014/01/13/googles-acquisition-of-nest-and-your-privacy [https://perma.cc/JU6E-2R9Y].
6. See John M. Newman, The Myth of Free, 86 GEO. WASH. L. REV. 513, 524–26 (2018)
(explaining the economics of “free”).
7. See Kevin Granville, Facebook and Cambridge Analytica: What You Need to Know as Fallout
Widens, N.Y. TIMES (Mar. 19, 2018), https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/19/technology/
facebook-cambridge-analytica-explained.html [https://perma.cc/UB23-9DXH]. See generally
Agnieszka McPeak, Disappearing Data, 2018 WIS. L. REV. 17 (explaining the use and exploitation
of data by technology firms).
8. John D. McKinnon & Douglas MacMillan, Google Says It Continues to Allow Apps to Scan
Data from Gmail Accounts, WALL ST. J. (Sept. 20, 2018, 12:27 PM), https://www.wsj.com/articles/
google-says-it-continues-t o-allow-apps-to-scan-data-from-gmail-accounts-1537459989 [https://
perma.cc/7GAW-QBM8]; see also Todd Haselton, How to Find Out What Google Knows About You
and Limit the Data It Collects, CNBC (Dec. 6, 2017, 4:15 PM), https://www.cnbc.com/
2017/11/20/what-does-google-know-about-me.html [https://perma.cc/S6LF-GN4C] (summarizing
Google’s privacy policies and what data consumers “agree” to allow Google to collect).
9. Jefferson Graham, Can an App Really Track You After You Delete It?, USA TODAY (Apr. 27,
2017, 6:28 AM), https://www.usatoday.com/story/tech/talkingtech/2017 /04/26/can-app-really-
track-you-after-you-delete/100864168 [ht tps://perma.cc/R6Z3-SPYF]; see also Kate Conger, Uber
Responds to Report That It Tracked Devices After Its App Was Deleted, TECHCRUNCH, https://
techcrunch.com/2017/04/23/uber-responds-to-report-that-it-tracked-users-who-deleted-its-app
[https://perma.cc/YC2H-TB2X] (detailing how Uber tracked users).

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