Immigration, Collective Efficacy, Social Ties, and Violence: Unpacking the Mediating Mechanisms in Immigration Effects on Neighborhood-Level Violence

DOI10.1177/2153368717690563
AuthorArelys Madero-Hernandez,Carlos E. Rojas-Gaona,Lauren Copley Sabon,Ben Feldmeyer
Date01 April 2019
Published date01 April 2019
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Immigration, Collective
Efficacy, Social Ties, and
Violence: Unpacking the
Mediating Mechanisms in
Immigration Effects on
Neighborhood-Level Violence
Ben Feldmeyer
1
, Arelys Madero-Hernandez
2
,
Carlos E. Rojas-Gaona
1
and Lauren Copley Sabon
3
Abstract
An extensive body of research indicates that community levels of crime are either
unaffected by levels of immigration or that immigration is associated with lower, not
higher, rates of crime. According to the “immigrant revitalization” perspective, the
protective effects of immigration are largely indirect, working through neighborhood-
level processes, such as social networks, social capital, and collective efficacy.
However, these mediating effects have received little empirical attention in the
immigration–crime literature. Using data from the Project on Human Development in
Chicago Neighborhoods, the current study seeks to extend research on immigration
and crime by assessing the mediating effects of neighborhood friendship and kinship
ties and collective efficacy in immigration–violence relationships. Similar to previous
studies, we find that the total effect of immigrant concentration on homicide and
perceptions of violence is null. However, examining the indirect pathways reveals that
immigration works in complex ways, with both positive and negative influences on
violence that ultimately manifest as a nonsignificant effect. Specifically, immigrant
concentration is associated with lower levels of collective efficacy, thereby increasing
violence, but it is simultaneously linked to stronger friendship and kinship networks,
which in turn reduces violence. Implications of these findings are discussed.
1
School of Criminal Justice, University of Cincinnati, Cincinnati, OH, USA
2
Department of Political Science, Criminal Justice, and Organizational Leadership, Northern Kentucky
University, Highland Heights, KY, USA
3
Department of Sociology, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, AR, USA
Corresponding Author:
Ben Feldmeyer, School of Criminal Justice, University of Cincinnati, 660 Teachers-Dyer Complex, P.O. Box
210389, Cincinnati, OH 45221, USA.
Email: ben.feldmeyer@uc.edu
Race and Justice
2019, Vol. 9(2) 123-150
ªThe Author(s) 2017
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/2153368717690563
journals.sagepub.com/home/raj
Keywords
immigration, violence, communities and crime, ne ighborhoods, collectiv e efficacy,
mediation
As immigration flows to the United States swelled at the turn of the 21st century, so
too have concerns that immigration could be contributing to greater crime and social
problems in American communities. In response to these growing anxieties, crimin-
ologists have generated a sizable body of empirical research, which indicates that
fears of immigration–crime links are largely unwarranted. Research consistently
shows that immigrants are less likely to be involved in serious crime compared to the
native-born (Bui, 2009; Dinovitzer, Hagan, & Levi, 2009; Hagan & Palloni, 1999).
Likewise, macro-level studies indicate that immigration either has little association
with crime rates or is linked to lower levels of crime, leading scholars to suggest that
immigrant communities may be “some of the safest places around” (Sampson, 2008,
p. 30; see also Feldmeyer, 2009; Martinez, Stowell, & Cancino, 2008; Martinez,
Stowell, & Lee, 2010; Ousey & Kubrin, 2009; Wadsworth, 2010). However, what is
less clear are the mechanisms, processes, and indirect effects at work in these
immigration–crime relationships. What is it about immigrant communities that pro-
tects them from crime and other social problems? After all, immigrant neighborhoods
face severe strains and disadvantages commonly linked to crime. They are often
exposed to extreme levels of poverty and deprivation similar to those seen in some of
the poorest inner-city areas (see Steffensmeier, Ulmer, Feldmeyer, & Harris, 2010;
Velez, 2006). In addition, research has long documented the many daunting strains
and struggles that migrants face as they adjust to the norms, languages, customs, and
rules of their new environments (Alba & Nee, 1997; Martinez & Lee, 2000; Portes &
Rumbaut, 2006). Yet, despite these challenges, immigrant communities tend to have
remarkably low levels of crime, substance use, and physical and mental illness—a
finding which has become known as the “immigrant paradox” (Burchfield & Silver,
2013; Sampson & Bean, 2006; Vaughn, Salas-Wright, DeLisi, & Maynard, 2014;
Vega & Sribney, 2011).
What is it about immigrant communities that creates this paradox? How is it that
immigrant neighborhoods are entrenched with structural disadvantages but insulated
from social ills? Scholars have offered several related explanations for these findings,
which have coalesced into the immigrant revitalization perspective. According to this
perspective, immigration protects communities from social problems like crime by
strengthening local institutions, reinforcing social networks, and especially by fos-
tering social capital and collective efficacy (see reviews in Kubrin & Desmond, 2015;
Martinez et al., 2010; Sampson & Bean, 2006; Velez, 2006). In sum, theory suggests
that the protective effects of immigration are largely indirect, working through
neighborhood networks and structures to reduce social problems.
The immigrant revitalization perspective has been widely embracedand has become
a leading theoretical explanation forthe immigrant paradox and for immigration–crime
124 Race and Justice 9(2)

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