Hybrid annuity model: Hamming risk allocations in Indian highway public–private partnerships

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1002/pa.1890
Published date01 February 2019
Date01 February 2019
ACADEMIC PAPER
Hybrid annuity model: Hamming risk allocations in Indian
highway publicprivate partnerships
Swapnil Garg
1
|Diptiranjan Mahapatra
2
1
Strategic Management, Indian Institute of
Management Indore, Indore, India
2
Strategic Management and Public Policy,
Indian Institute of Management, Sambalpur,
India
Correspondence
Swapnil Garg, Strategic Managements, Indian
Institute of Management Indore, Prabandh
Shikhar, RauPitampur Road, Rau, Indore 453
556 (M.P.), India.
Email: swapnilgarg@iimidr.ac.in
A new publicprivate partnership (PPP) model, that is, hybrid annuity model (HAM)
was introduced in 2016, to revive investments in the Indian highway infrastructure
and to remedy the troubled relationship between the public and private sectors. This
model marked a significant policy departure in the management of longand short
term public interest, which is inherent to public utilities and service delivery.
Through a dispassionate lens, this paper critically examines the extent to which HAM
has fulfilled its stated objectives. The analysis of project award data provides mixed
empirical evidence of HAM's early success. As a positive policy imperative, HAM
has been able to attract private participation in highway infrastructure by readjust-
ment of risk allocations, and hence, it is a welcome step forward in improving public
affairs. Worryingly though, HAM also brought about extensive derisking of the pri-
vate sector, with evidence of rendering risk retention, that is, skininthegameby
the less significant private infrastructure investors, and thereby adversely impacting
development priorities. We find that HAM has taken the reengagement of private
sector two steps back in management of PPP affairs.
Recognizing that a true performance assessment is unlikely at this early stage of HAM
introduction, the paper adopts a more analytical stance in identifying possible pitfalls
based upon the telltale signs presented by project bidding and award data. This study
offers fresh insight and course correction on the role of government and other stake-
holders in this newly introduced PPP template.
1|INTRODUCTION
Forging and managing stakeholder's relationship in publicprivate
partnership (PPP) has been elusive (Leitch & Motion, 2003). Further,
our understanding of this relationship is severely hampered due to
the ever increasing emergence of multitude variants of PPP over
time and also because of involvement of a large number of stake-
holders and influencers (De Schepper, Dooms, & Haezendonck,
2014; Kwak, Chih, & Ibbs, 2009; OECD, 2008; Tang, Shen, & Cheng,
2010). The understanding of this relationship is deeply investigated
and is rooted in the risk allocations among the different PPP stake-
holders. However, this strand of literature recognizes two key stake-
holders, public and private, sub assuming all others in their fold. This
has resulted in a gap in the literature. The shortterm and longterm
impact of the risk allocations in PPPs on the different PPP stake-
holders has remained largely underresearched.
The impact of this under recognition on PPP context is evident in
the different disciplines that study PPPs. The public finance and
accounting literature has been vocal about how PPPs compromise
by being offbalance sheet financing, or longterm government credit
card (subject to misuse), or compromising with transparency standards
regarding in public accounts. Similarly, the public administration litera-
ture has raised concerns about democratic accountability getting com-
promised in PPPs (Higgins & Huque, 2014). The multiple concerns
imply lack of a clear recognition of the impact of risk allocations on
public welfare in PPPs. This study proposes to address this gap by
studying the risk allocations in a new variant of PPP that has emerged
in India. We analyze how the modified set of risk allocations have
Received: 12 October 2018 Accepted: 13 October 2018
DOI: 10.1002/pa.1890
J Public Affairs. 2019;19:e1890.
https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.1890
© 2019 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/pa 1of16
delivered to the larger public welfare in the long and short term, and
how they have fallen short.
The Indian Highway sector has been experimenting and maneu-
vering the innate challenges of PPP for over two decades. After an
enthusiastic private response to standard longterm infrastructure
concession for almost a decade, the PPP project awards fell during
the period 20122015. This made policy intervention by the govern-
ment inevitable. With private sector funding drying up, the govern-
ment resorted to engineering, procurement, and construction (EPC)
contracts that required significant upfront financing by the govern-
ment leading to stress on public finances (Press Information Bureau,
2016). As a middle path, the government introduced the hybrid annu-
ity model (HAM) in 2015 with an attempt to revitalize private sector
investments in the highway sector (Press Information Bureau, 2016).
The HAM model conceived of different risk allocations that were a
combination of the traditional EPCs and the multiple variants of
longterm infrastructure concession.
An initial assessment of HAM from a public interest perspective is
necessary as it has received varied response from the different stake-
holders. The government bid out a large number of HAM projects fol-
lowing up on its development priorities and simultaneously opening a
large private opportunity. However, the profile of private firms bidding
for highway projects underwent a major change, and the lenders
expressed serious reservations in lending to them. This resulted in
delayed financial closures for some projects, and termination of
others.
1
The underlying factors behind these setbacks need to be ana-
lyzed from a shortand longterm public perspective. To address this,
this paper aims to investigate the reasons behind the mixed senti-
ments of different project stakeholders and to develop a sound under-
standing of management of risk allocations in HAM model, a new kind
of PPPs. More specifically, the paper studies the management of
public affairs in the context of PPP projects, which are complex
in nature and involve numerous public and private stakeholders
(De Schepper et al., 2014).
We structure the remainder of the paper as follows.
In the following section, we introduce the Indian highway PPP
journey to motivate the reasons for the introduction of HAM and sub-
sequently provide a theoretical description of the HAM model and the
risk allocations therein. We then explain our empirical strategy and
report the results based on the detailed bidding information collected
for 48 HAM projects. Finally, we put forward our reflections from the
analysis and conclude with a discussion summarizing our contribu-
tions, future research directions, and implications for policymakers.
2|INDIAN HIGWHWAY SECTORS PPP
JOURNEY
The Indian Highway sector had formally adopted the PPP model of
buildoperatetransfer model in the year 2006, after experimenting
with them for over a decade. The project's commercial viability based
upon forecasted toll collections determined the project funding mostly
from private concessionaires, whereas viability gap funding and annu-
ity grants were made available in case commercial viability of the pro-
ject remained infeasible. Although the above arrangements were able
to free up public finances to a significant level, there also emerged
numerous instances of aggressive bidding and herding by concession-
aires, finally tipping the balance in 2012. Post 2012, private invest-
ments dried up, with unviable bids received for over 40 projects,
necessitating policy intervention by the government. In parallel, over
a hundred projects were stuck in various stages of construction, due
to negotiation deadlocks between the government and private firms.
The government while outsourcing the projects' construction also
stayed away from many of its fiduciary roles. This has resulted in pro-
jects getting stuck at various construction stages and under legal,
financial, or bureaucratic deliberations.
As an immediate response, the government shifted to traditional
EPC contracting. However, this required high commitments from the
already stressed public finances (Press Information Bureau, 2016).
Simultaneously, aggressive bidding had left the concessionaires in
deep financial crisis, and financial institutions had become apprehen-
sive and cautious in extending debt to the sector. Policy intervention
was also important politically, as the new government had won on
promises of boosting infrastructure growth. Highway construction, in
terms of kilometers upgraded and commissioned per day, had once again
become a part of new government's report card (NDTV Correspon-
dent, 2010). The targets for road construction were doubled from
20 km per day to 40 km per day (Dey, 2017). The newly conceived
HAM model was proposed to remedy the situation and address the
challenges.
The HAM model sought to alter the risk allocations in the conces-
sions. It assigned the fundamental responsibility for public infrastruc-
ture provisioning and management to the government, recognizing
the private sector as an enabler and an agent in the process. This
was in contrast to earlier PPP models where the government was seen
as an enabler to private participation in infrastructure development.
Consequently, HAM introduced public provisioning of 40% of project
cost during the construction phase, isolated private sector from
demand and toll collection risks, and increased public sector account-
ability to its roles and responsibilities in the project. Simultaneously, it
retained construction and maintenance risks with the private sector,
to ensure that the benefits of efficiency and innovations of private
sector could be accrued. From the public affairs perspective, these
changes made HAM projects significantly different from the conven-
tional Buildoperatetransfer (BOT) concessions.
2.1 |Overview of HAM
At a conceptual level, construction and operation of infrastructure
awarded through BOT route are bundled and transferred to the pri-
vate sector for fixed period, with the private concessionaire receive
either a stream of payments from the government or user charges lev-
ied directly on the end users, or both. In contrast, HAM recognizes
that the government ultimately has to pay for building the public infra-
structure from its own sources or if feasible through accruals of user
charges from the public to be collected by the government. The gov-
ernment also contributes part of the construction cost, with the rest
reimbursed to the private sector over the life of the project. The fun-
damental difference lies in the government taking over the
2of16 GARG AND MAHAPATRA

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