Human Rights Discourse in the Antebellum Black Press

Date14 October 2011
Pages121-137
Published date14 October 2011
DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1108/S0275-7982(2011)0000006009
AuthorTimothy Shortell
HUMAN RIGHTS DISCOURSE IN
THE ANTEBELLUM BLACK PRESS
Timothy Shortell
ABSTRACT
The resolution of the slavery issue in the United States may have had
more to do with economic development and political power than a shift in
public morality, but there can be no question that abolitionist discourse
played a major role in the expansion of America’s republican vision in the
nineteenth century. In the human rights discourse of the black
abolitionists, ideological conflict centers on the dimensions of reification
and fragmentation. Potential answers to the rights question – who is to be
included in the American republic? – involve contentious claims about
group identities. To examine systematically the strategic use of the
jeremiad as a human rights argument in the black abolitionist discourse,
this research produced a content analysis study of the antebellum black
press in New York State. The findings present the hegemonic discourse
and the case that the human rights argument could not have been made
without simultaneously undermining the hegemonic view. The black
abolitionist discourse in antebellum New York State was the first
American experience with the jeremiad as a human rights argument and
would not be the last.
Human Rights and Media
Studies in Communications, Volume 6, 121–137
Copyright r2011 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved
ISSN: 0275-7982/doi:10.1108/S0275-7982(2011)0000006009
121
INTRODUCTION
The resolution of the slavery issue in the United States may have had more
to do with economic development and political power than a shift in public
morality, but there can be no question that abolitionist discourse played a
major role in the expansion of America’s republican vision in the nineteenth
century. The debate over slavery occurred almost 100 years before our
modern human rights discourse emerged, but the central issues in the
dispute anticipated, in many ways, contemporary discussions of human
rights. At the heart of the matter was the question of who was to be included
in the new society. Both sides, proslavery and abolitionist, engaged the issue
in terms of the natural rights, which provided the ideological foundation of
the American Revolution. The question of citizenship depended on a more
basic inquiry: who was fully human?
The idea of ‘‘human rights’’ was uncommon, although not unheard of,
before the twentieth century. Revolutionary fervor in the late eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries focused attention on the issue of political rights. In the
rhetoric of the American and French Revolutions, the ‘‘rights of man’’ were
described as deriving from a divine source, but it was the state that enacted
and guaranteed them. The events of the World War II forced politicians and
ordinary citizens alike to rethink the issue of rights, in particular, whether or
not the state could be trusted to protect them (Donnelly, 1998).
In the natural rights model, whether grounded in metaphysical or
theological terms, individuals possess certain rights by virtue of their
humanity. As such, these rights are universal – in the sense of including
everyone accepted as fully human – and inalienable. In current debates,
liberal natural rights advocates have tried to elaborate a theory of human
nature upon which to build the notion of human dignity that justifies
universal rights, but with little success (Dunne & Wheeler, 1999).
In the nineteenth century, however, the fundamental issue was not a
theory of human dignity. It was, rather, the definition of humanity. The
century’s great human rights struggle, over chattel slavery, was argued in
terms of race and humanity. In the United States, the vocabulary of the
Revolution marked the boundaries of the contentious public debate over
who was to be included in the humanity whose rights were self-evident.
Abolitionists tried to use the republican discourse as a critique of the
legitimacy of property in humans and as a justification of the doctrine of
free labor. The black abolitionists were, it might be said, America’s original
human rights vanguard.
TIMOTHY SHORTELL122

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