How the Flattened Costs of Grassroots Lobbying Affect Legislator Responsiveness

AuthorJohn Cluverius
Date01 June 2017
DOI10.1177/1065912916688110
Published date01 June 2017
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912916688110
Political Research Quarterly
2017, Vol. 70(2) 279 –290
© 2017 University of Utah
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DOI: 10.1177/1065912916688110
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Article
Citizens, Groups, and Government in
the Digital Age
On their own and motivated by groups, Americans send
hundreds of thousands of messages to officials across all
levels of government on policy matters (Butler,
Karpowitz, and Pope 2012). In surveys and interviews,
these officials at every level say they want to hear from
constituents about policy issues, but recent changes in
technology (Karpf 2012) have reshaped how constituents
contact legislators and how interest groups wield grass-
roots lobbying1 as a tool to accomplish their goals.
Information is plentiful, it costs less to produce a lot of it
than before, and technology is changing the way that gov-
ernment receives information about what citizens want.
Leading theories of information in legislatures and
explanations of grassroots lobbying rely on the assump-
tion that the costs of producing information signal some-
thing about that information’s value. However, the costs
of producing this information have flattened, meaning
that the costs of producing one hundred e-mail messages
are now about the same as the costs of producing ten
thousand e-mail messages for both interest groups and
constituents. Developments in the tactics of grassroots
lobbying and the dynamics of interest organizations have
flattened the costs of grassroots lobbying for interest
groups and motivated more groups to use the tactic more
often as a means of maintaining the organization.
Excessive use of grassroots lobbying has flooded legisla-
tors’ in-boxes with duplicate messages and form letters so
much that legislators and their staff have had to develop
new ways of processing and interpreting these messages.
Therefore, to explain information processing by institu-
tional actors in the digital age, we need theories that clar-
ify how political actors in institutions respond when
information is still costly, but where these costs do not
signal value.
In this paper, I present an economic theory of politi-
cal information where trust replaces costs. I posit that
political actors treat information like a commodity.
They use heuristics to help determine the value of
information. Previously, legislators were able to use
e-mail volume—the number of e-mails (or other mes-
sages) sent—as a positive signal of the value of the
information. Grassroots lobbying would signal how
688110PRQXXX10.1177/1065912916688110Political Research QuarterlyCluverius
research-article2017
1University of Massachusetts Lowell, USA
Corresponding Author:
John Cluverius, Department of Political Science, University of
Massachusetts Lowell, Dugan Hall Suite 201, 883 Broadway Street,
Lowell, MA 01854, USA.
Email: John_Cluverius@uml.edu
How the Flattened Costs of
Grassroots Lobbying Affect
Legislator Responsiveness
John Cluverius1
Abstract
Leading theories of grassroots lobbying assert that legislators should respond positively to the volume of grassroots
lobbying messages because volume indicates the salience of an issue among constituents. This notion rests on the idea
that the costs of producing a large volume of grassroots lobbying signals the value of the information to legislators.
Advances in technology and strategy, however, have flattened the costs associated with producing such information—
it costs much less to generate one additional e-mail message than before. In this environment, the volume of grassroots
lobbying no longer signals the value of the information it contains. Instead, I believe trust becomes the critical factor in
evaluating grassroots lobbying. I test this theory using a survey of state legislators. I find that lobbying message volume
has no effect on legislator responses to higher salience issues, and a negative effect on lower salience issues.
Keywords
information technology, state politics and policy, legislative studies, media and communications, civil society and
voluntary groups

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