Honor-based Violence in Pakistan and Its Eradication through the Development of Cultural and Jurisprudential Ethos of Human Dignity

Date18 November 2019
Published date18 November 2019
Pages71-102
DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-78973-821-620191012
AuthorSania Anwar
Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Human Dignity and Human Rights, 71–102
Copyright © 2020 by Emerald Publishing Limited
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved
doi:10.1108/978-1-78973-821-620191012
Chapter 6
Honor-based Violence in Pakistan and
Its Eradication through the Development
of Cultural and Jurisprudential Ethos of
Human Dignity
Sania Anwar
Introduction
On average, one in every ve homicides in Pakistan is an honor killing (T. Miller,
2009). Each day, at least two women are murdered by a member of their family in
the name of honor. These murders are usually based on mere accusations.1 The
prevalence of the practice is deeply rooted in the cultural concept of “woman as
a commodity,” which rationalizes the killing of a female relative for marrying or
wanting to marry a man of her choice, for refusing to marry a man of her family’s
choice, for seeking divorce, or for engaging in alleged illicit acts or relationships.
In some cases, the conscious decision or subjective intent to engage in dishonor-
able behavior is not a prerequisite: women are sometimes killed after being raped
since the rape constitutes pre-marital or extra-marital sex and, therefore, violates
family honor (Nosheen & Schellman, 2011). Victims of honor killings are stoned,
shot, burned, or buried alive, hacked to pieces with axes, or left to bleed out after
brutal assault. In this chapter, the murdered or surviving victims are referred to
as honor-transgressors.
In Pakistan, the concept of social honor is deeply rooted and upheld by two
cultural processes: psycho-cultural forces – which include attitudes, beliefs, and
values that provide the structures of consciousness that legitimize honor-related
violence; and socio-structural forces – which include political, religious, and eco-
nomic structures of authority that legitimize gender-based violence that has as its
presumed purpose the preservation of family honor (Johnson & Karlberg, 2006;
1Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, State of Human Rights in 2015 (2016).
Approximately 1,100 women were killed in Pakistan in 2015 by relatives on so-called
honor grounds.
72 Sania Anwar
see also Ross, 2006, pp. 19–20). Internalization of gender-based oppression is
thus best understood within a conceptual framework that explains how psycho-
cultural and socio-structural forces are intertwined in the practice of honor kill-
ings. From such a perspective, an analysis of the “free will” of women (Higgins,
1996),2 and perhaps even of many men, to engage in or legitimize honor killings
becomes complex (Bertelsen, 2005, pp. 122–123).3
Through internalized oppression, many women in Pakistan not only endorse
but also facilitate honor killings.4 The deep cultural roots of the practice attract
female support for it in the same way that the practice of female genital mutilation
summons to its defense the voices of many powerful women (Benedek, Kisaakye, &
Oberleitner, 2002, p. 271).5 Those who resist condemnation of honor killing claim
that it cannot be thought of as a violation of women’s rights when it is supported
and carried out by the members of the protected class itself. This chapter seeks to
analyze the nature of the internalizing processes that sustain societal acceptance of
honor as justication for violent acts against women.
We begin by describing the communitarian, collectivistic, and honor culture
of Pakistan, which places a strong emphasis on the avoidance of shame. We then
show that in such an environment, men defend honor through violence that is
motivated largely by guilt, while women justify it as a defense against shame.
Both men and women are thus trapped within a “shame culture” that conceals
female sexuality by attempting to control or de-emphasize it. This analysis will
focus largely on the psycho-social forces that discourage women from taking a
stand against honor-based violence. The discussion illustrates how emotional and
psycho-social responses that justify honor killings are reinforced by a number of
2“The question still remains as to how feminists can reconcile the possibility of inter-
nalized oppression, or false consciousness, with the anti-essentialist rejection of any
core of womanhood, or true consciousness.”
3“For the behaviour of a subject to be considered the product of free will, therefore,
it is sufcient, according to soft determinism, that the subject’s entire functional ap-
paratus, including the psyche, has not been thwarted by any external or internal forces
in performing its function: namely, to behave in the way that is optimal for that subject
in a given situation.”
4A high prole incident that highlighted internalized oppression in honor killings was
the murder of Samia Sarwar. On April 6, 1999, 29-year old Samia, a law student
and mother of two, was shot to death in her lawyer’s ofce in Lahore for seeking
a divorce from her abusive husband. Samia’s mother was a doctor and her father
was the president of the Chamber of Commerce in North-West Frontier Province in
Pakistan. During a meeting between Samia and her lawyer, her mother barged in the
ofce accompanied by a contract killer who pulled out a gun and shot Samia in the
head (see Ali, 2001).
5“Traditionally the FGM procedure was performed by women, a role either inherited
or learned from a relative. In the Gambia, the procedure is performed by a woman, the
N’gasimba, who is highly respected and believed to possess supernatural powers. In
some communities, performing this role brings respect to women who originate from
poor families and ethnic groups that are otherwise regarded as inferior.”
Honor-based Violence in Pakistan and Its Eradication 73
political, legal, and religious factors at play in Pakistani society, including proce-
dural injustices inherent in Pakistan’s Sharia law, public shame sanctions, and the
increasing anti-Western social and political fervor.
Based on the analysis of social, psychological, religious, political, and legal
factors that come together to produce a culture that justies honor killings, we
outline recommendations for addressing these dynamics. The argument here is
that Pakistan’s women’s rights movement must undergo signicant reconceptu-
alization if it is to combat societal internalization of destructive gender norms.
This process of reconstruction must have two objectives: to build an effective
autochthonous movement by advocating for change from within existing insti-
tutional frameworks and to enhance the representation of women leaders within
the country.
Finally, we close by outlining the most effective means to minimize internali-
zation of social honor and the consequential gender-based violence – the devel-
opment of a counter-culture of human dignity, which is neither an attribute of
one’s social rank nor an attribute of one’s conformity to the societal honor code,
but is grounded in the equal and inherent worth of all human beings. This chap-
ter advocates the idea that human dignity, wherever it may be found, has, at its
core, universalistic “minimum content” based on the intrinsic value of all human
beings. However, despite the pluralistic “minimum content” of human dignity, the
vehicles for developing human dignity as a value require customized frames for
different cultures. Postulating a workable denition of human dignity for Paki-
stan requires that it be anchored in established Islamic sources that safeguard per-
sonal integrity and freedom from coercion. The key in renovating Sharia law in
Pakistan would be to develop the least restrictive legal procedures and principles
that promote human dignity without imposing intolerant majoritarian norms. A
successful outcome of such a model can establish the potential for a pragmatic
evolutionary trend in Sharia law as a microprocessor for transnational discourse
on human dignity.
Factual basis of Honor Killings
Common justications for the practice of honor killings include a range of acts or
omissions by women that can be perceived as infringement on a man’s or a family’s
honor. Such acts include deance of social and sexual norms, pursuing a marriage
or relationship of choice, seeking a divorce, or suffering a rape. To a large extent,
the factual basis for an honor killing is largely socially irrelevant, as the killing is
simply legitimized by a declaration of an honor violation by any male relative.
Dishonor resulting from mere assertion of deance of social nor ms, regardless
of its validity, is sufcient. The alleged nonconformity with social norms can be
based on supercial and frivolous grounds (Amnesty International, 2002).6 Inict-
ing death as punishment for a dishonorable action is not an exclusive prerogative
6A man killed his wife alleging she took too long to serve him a meal and another man
murdered his wife after he had a dream that she had been unfaithful.

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