Historical Significance of Labor’s Increased Precariousness in Germany, the United Kingdom, and Spain

Published date01 January 2019
AuthorXabier Arrizabalo,Lucía Vicent,Patricia Pinto
Date01 January 2019
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/ajes.12266
Historical Significance of Labor’s Increased
Precariousness in Germany, the United
Kingdom, and Spain
By Xabier arrizabalo*, Patricia Pinto and lucía Vicent
abstract. This article addresses the historical significance of the
increasing precariousness of labor, even in the most advanced
economies. Given the sterility of the mainstream approach, based on
methodological individualism, we start from a Marxist critique of
political economy, focusing on the laws that govern the process of
capitalist accumulation and its contradictions. Within the framework
of these laws, we analyze the tendency of labor exploitation to
increase in a capitalist economy, linked to the exigencies of
profitability due to the increasing difficulties of the valorization of
capital. The precariousness of labor is studied around some of the
main forms it adopts in three European economies: mini-jobs in
Germany, “zero-hours contracts” in the United Kingdom, and false
self-employment, together with internship and training contracts, in
American Jour nal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 78, No. 1 (Janua ry 2019).
DOI: 10 .1111/ajes.122 66
© 2019 American Journa l of Economics and Sociology, Inc.
*Professor at the Complutense University of Madrid (UCM) since 1993. Director of the
Instituto Marxista de Economía (IME). Co-Director of Research Group in Political
Economy Capitalism and Uneven Development. Director of Continuous Training Degree
Critical Analysis of Capitalism: Marxist Method and His Application to the Research of
Current Global Economy (UCM). Author of Capitalism and World Economy and numer-
ous other books and articles. Participant in many international congresses. Supervisor
of 15 doctoral theses. PhD in economics. Other degrees in planning, public policy, and
development and in sociology. Email: xam@ccee.ucm.es
Researcher at the Instituto Marxista de Economía (IME), focused on the analysis of
the labor market, working conditions, and their implications of all kinds. Holds degree
in economics (University of Salamanca), a Master’s degree in business administration
(ESIC). Diploma in Critical Analysis of Capitalism: the Marxist Method and its Application
to the Study of the Current World Economy (Universidad Complutense de Madrid).
Email: papinto@ucm.es
Researcher at the Instituto Complutense de Estudios Internacionales (ICEI) (Spain)
since 2012 and member of the research group Charles Babbage in Social Sciences of
Work (Complutense University of Madrid). PhD in economics, Complutense University
of Madrid. Fields of research: analysis of the labor market, gender inequalities, and the
study of capitalist dynamics in European economies. Email: lvicent@ucm.es
256 The American Journal of Economics and Sociology
Spain. Based on theoretical and empirical analysis, several conclusions
are proposed to understand the extension and deepening of labor
precariousness, built on the notions of overexploitation and
destruction of productive forces, linked to current demands of
capitalist accumulation.
Introduct ion
Job insecurity is spreading and deepening. There are now more than
7 million mini-jobs in Germany, with salaries that do not allow a
decent life, do not incorporate any social security or unemployment
benefits, and even cause an increase in the risk of poverty. Nearly a
million workers in the United Kingdom operate under “zero-hours
contracts,” which do not guarantee any working hours or salary but
may demand exclusivity. The regulatory framework of those contracts
is characterized by a lack of definition, which adds an element of
uncertainty and instability—or precariousness. In Spain, hundreds of
thousands of employees without a contract are fraudulently forced to
register as self-employed workers. Therefore, they do not have labor
rights, and they are also subject to systematic abuses with training and
internship contracts. These are just some of the multiple forms of job
precariousness present in Europe nowadays, the region identified as a
world benchmark due to its level of development.
In a capitalist society, people who lack the means of production
sufficient to obtain a livelihood from that source have, in principle,
only one way of surviving. They must sell their labor power, since the
payment received for it gives them the ability to purchase the nec-
essary goods for their existence. The price of that sale, which is the
salary, must allow for the reproduction of labor power—the power
that the worker embodies. In other words, “the following day” the
worker should be able to go to work. However, precariousness im-
plies such low wages that even the most basic reproduction of labor
power is in question. There are also workers without any salary under
the guise of supposed training or the prestige associated with certain
companies. The working poor are increasing, which means those who
are poor not as a result of being excluded from work, but in spite of
their status as employees. Added to this, the data show more than 190
257Historical Significance of Labor’s Increased Precariousness
million people unemployed in the global economy (ILO 2018). There
is a real devastation in the labor market that continues to spread and
that especially affects the most vulnerable workers (such as young
people, for whom it is increasingly difficult to build an independent
life).
How can we explain this fact, which is global, and is particularly
prevalent in the most historically developed economies? Is it merely
a matter of degree, or does it have a qualitative dimension different
from “traditional” labor exploitation? Is it a purely circumstantial phe-
nomenon, associated with the ups and downs of the pace of accu-
mulation in the short term, or does it have deeper roots related to the
increasingly acute contradictions of the world capitalist economy? Do
these aggravated forms of exploitation entail the establishment of a
new social class different from the working class, with its correspond-
ing political implications?
Mainstream economic analysis, which corresponds to the “neo-
classical synthesis” based on methodological individualism, claims
that society is a mere sum of individuals. Consequently, precarious-
ness is identified as the aggregate of a series of particular circum-
stances, thus denying any possible social explanation. Even proposed
solutions are at the individual level. Appeals to training (“human cap-
ital”) ignore the fact that training does not prevent precariousness.
In effect, neoclassical analysis does not fit the evidence, revealing
its analytical sterility. We use a method that shows how salaries are
determined socially, not technically, according to the laws that gov-
ern capitalist accumulation. This is the only way to understand why
wages are going down, particularly through the multiple forms of
job precariousness. Certainly, this is in the first instance a mechanism
for the salary reduction that profitability demands. But how far can
this reduction go? If the remuneration received by a worker does
not allow his or her own reproduction, we would no longer simply
talk about exploitation, but of overexploitation. Therefore, it would
be something more than a mere quantitative issue. The qualitative
difference raises the need to ask about its historical significance in
the 21st century.
We deal here with these questions within the institutional frame-
work of the European Union, which is constituted to support the

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