Health of Convicted Persons in the Third Generation of the Longitudinal Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development

AuthorGuy C. M. Skinner,David P. Farrington
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X211066837
Published date01 June 2023
Date01 June 2023
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X211066837
International Journal of
Offender Therapy and
Comparative Criminology
2023, Vol. 67(8) 757 –782
© The Author(s) 2021
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/0306624X211066837
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Article
Health of Convicted Persons
in the Third Generation of
the Longitudinal Cambridge
Study in Delinquent
Development
Guy C. M. Skinner1 and David P. Farrington1
Abstract
Research suggests that convicted persons are more likely than non-convicted
persons to suffer poor health. However, few longitudinal studies have investigated
associations between health and offending across generations. Using the Cambridge
Study in Delinquent Development, this article prospectively investigates the
relationship between health and offending across generations and between genders.
At the average age of 25, third generation convicted males and females reported a
higher incidence of serious drug use than non-convicted persons. Convicted males
reported a higher incidence of mental illness and self-harm, whereas convicted
females reported a lower incidence of physical illness, mental illness, self-harm and
hospitalizations when compared to non-convicted females. Convicted males reported
a higher incidence of industrial accidents, sports injuries and fight injuries, but a lower
incidence of road accidents, whereas convicted females were more likely to report
road accidents. Like their fathers, convicted males show worse health compared to
non-convicted individuals.
Keywords
Offending, Health, Injury, Hospital, Longitudinal Study
Background
To date, research has provided considerable evidence for the presence of health
inequalities between people with different social backgrounds and/or roles within the
social system. For example, research has shown that wealth, education, and
1University of Cambridge, UK
Corresponding Author:
Guy C. M. Skinner, Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge, Sidgwick Avenue, CB3 9DA, UK.
Email: gs545@cam.ac.uk
1066837IJOXXX10.1177/0306624X211066837International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative CriminologySkinner and Farrington
research-article2021
758 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 67(8)
employment increase differences in physical and mental health outcomes observed
between these individuals (Adler & Newman, 2002; Amone-P’Olak et al., 2009; Quon
& McGrath, 2015; Schreier & Chen, 2013; Skalamera & Hummer, 2016). However,
research into the impact of criminality on health has been limited in scope, with aca-
demic interest only beginning to emerge recently (Jackson & Vaughn, 2018; Tibbetts,
2014).
Current literature indicates that risks of physical health problems are significantly
higher among individuals with convictions compared to those with no convictions
(Binswanger et al., 2009; Cloud, 2014; National Commission on Correctional Health
Care, 2002; Skinner et al., 2020). Outside of incarcerated populations, there is evi-
dence that juvenile and adult individuals with criminal justice involvement are at
increased risk of injury in general (Lewis & Shanok, 1977). Earlier literature also sug-
gested that sexually transmitted and blood-borne infections are more common among
individuals with criminal justice involvement (Edwards et al., 1999; Ruiz et al., 1999).
In addition, tuberculosis, respiratory illness, and epilepsy (Feinstein et al., 1998) are
also frequently seen among convicted persons.
It has also been evidenced that there is a significant difference in the rates of mental
health and substance use problems between young people who have had encounters
with the criminal justice system as compared to those who have had no contact
(Chassin, 2008; Kessler et al., 2005; McReynolds et al., 2010; Shufelt & Cocozza,
2006). The actual level of disparity may differ (Wasserman et al., 2010), but an
increased rate of between 40% and 70% having mental health problems and substance
abuse issues has been found (Abram et al., 2015; Fazel et al., 2008; Teplin et al., 2002).
This is in contrast to rates nearer 10% to 20% found amongst those who do not encoun-
ter the courts while young (Merikangas et al., 2010; SAMHSA, 2014; Wu et al., 2011).
Additionally, among the most common predictors of reoffending are substance abuse
(Bennett et al., 2008; Hoeve et al., 2013; Schubert et al., 2011) and comorbid sub-
stance difficulties together with mental health problems (Chassin, 2008; McReynolds
et al., 2010).
Research has indicated that depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorders
are common amongst young people who have contact with the criminal justice system
(Karnik et al., 2009). This finding has been reinforced by a recent meta-analysis,
establishing that, while both externalizing mental disorders and comorbid externaliz-
ing/internalizing disorders had links to criminal behavior, internalizing problems did
not reveal such an association (Wibbelink et al., 2017).
Researchers have also argued that the negative effects of imprisonment on health
can occur in a variety of ways (Braverman & Murray, 2011; Pajer et al., 2007). These
include that being in prison risks exposure to infection and disease (Cloud, 2014;
Johnson & Raphael, 2009; Massoglia, 2008a, 2008b; National Commission on
Correctional Health Care, 2002; Thomas & Torrone, 2008). Studies show that stress
factors, created by imprisonment, can exacerbate pre-existing health concerns (Desai
et al., 2006; Holman & Ziedenberg, 2006; Wasserman & McReynolds, 2011). The
actual act of being incarcerated itself can also generate life-long stress effects which,
in turn, can have deleterious health consequences (Massoglia, 2008a). Further research

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