Hate Crime Victimization and Weapon Use

Date01 August 2021
Published date01 August 2021
DOI10.1177/0093854820983848
Subject MatterArticles
CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, 2021, Vol. 48, No. 8, August 2021, 1148 –1165.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0093854820983848
Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions
© 2020 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology
1148
HATE CRIME VICTIMIZATION AND WEAPON
USE
ZACHARY T. MALCOM
BRENDAN LANTZ*
Florida State University
Prior research has suggested that hate crimes hurt more, in that they are more physically severe than other crimes. A separate
body of research has focused on the role of weapons in exacerbating violence; yet, no research has considered the role of
weapon use in bias crime victimization. Following this, this research examines the relationship between weapon use, bias
motivation, and victimization in the United States. On one hand, weapons may play an important role in hate crime by exac-
erbating violence. On the other hand, weapons may be unnecessary for facilitating hate crime violence, given the animus
associated with bias motivation. Using data from the National Incident-Based Reporting System, we find that bias crimes are
both (a) less likely than nonbias crimes to involve weapons and (b) more likely than nonbias crimes to involve serious or
lethal victim injury. These patterns are particularly pronounced for antisexual orientation hate crimes.
Keywords: hate crime; bias crime; violence; victimization; weapon use
A
number of scholars have argued that hate crimes, which are crimes motivated by bias
toward the characteristics of the victim (i.e., race, religion, sex, sexual orientation, dis-
ability, etc.), are more severe than other crimes; in other words, hate crimes “hurt more”
(Iganski, 2001; Lantz & Kim, 2019). In general, scholars have pointed to three ways in
which hate crimes hurt more than other crimes. First, hate crimes have a more significant
impact on the community than other crimes. Put another way, hate crimes often function as
a message crime, in that they are intended to convey a threatening message to a victim group,
resulting in a broader community impact (Perry & Alvi, 2012). Second, hate crimes have
more negative psychological and emotional effects on victims than other crimes (Herek
et al., 1997). Finally, research has indicated that hate crimes are more physically severe than
other crimes (Messner et al., 2004; Pezzella & Fetzer, 2017). Masucci and Langton (2017),
for example, found that while approximately 90% of all hate victimizations involved physi-
cal violence (i.e., aggravated assault, simple assault, robbery, rape, or sexual assault), vio-
lence was only present in about 25% of reported nonhate crime victimizations.
*Primary contact.
AUTHORS’ NOTE: The authors would like to thank Beth Huebner, Robert Morgan, Marin Wenger, and
the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on this and earlier drafts of this research.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Brendan Lantz, College of Criminology and
Criminal Justice, Florida State University, 112 S. Copeland Street, Eppes Hall, Tallahassee, FL 32306;
e-mail: blantz@fsu.edu.
983848CJBXXX10.1177/0093854820983848Criminal Justice and BehaviorMalcom, Lantz / Hate Crimes and Weapon Use
research-article2020
Malcom, Lantz / HATE CRIMES AND WEAPON USE 1149
One reason that hate crimes are more physically traumatic than other crimes may be that
the animus behind the offense increases the brutality of bias-motivated violence (J. Levin &
McDevitt, 1993). Other research, however, has noted that weapon use plays an important
role in exacerbating the severity of violent victimization by facilitating increased injury and
making violence easier (Wells & Horney, 2002). Indeed, while prior research has largely
neglected to consider the role that weapon use may play in bias crime relative to other
crimes, recent policy conversations seem to imply that weapons—and firearms in particu-
lar—may be colloquially assumed to be an important factor in such violence. More specifi-
cally, recent proposed legislation like the Disarm Hate Act has attempted to enact legislation
that would prohibit individuals who have been convicted of misdemeanor hate crimes from
purchasing or possessing firearms (Stockler, 2019). The legislation has been vocally
opposed by those who argue that the legislation would violate the Second Amendment by
expanding disarmament to misdemeanor conviction. While such legal ramifications and
debates are beyond the scope of the current research, these policy efforts speak to the impor-
tant need to understand what role weapons may play in hate crime violence; extant research,
however, provides little empirical basis on which to structure an informed debate regarding
such policy efforts.
Following this, the present research posits that it is important to consider the role that
weapon use plays in hate crime and victimization. Based on prior research, the current study
posits that hate crime weapon use may function in one of two ways. On one hand, given that
hate crimes are often more physically severe than other crimes, and weapons relate to more
severe physical trauma, it is possible that weapons play an integral role in hate crime sever-
ity. On the other hand, however, it is also possible that weapons are not a necessary compo-
nent for hate-motivated violence, given that hate crimes already involve significant animus
and bias toward the victim, a factor which may itself increase offense brutality. That is,
weapons may play either (a) a substantial role in the increased severity of physical violence
associated with hate crimes or (b) a less significant role in hate crime violence, given a
willingness among those who commit hate crimes to inflict serious violence without the
assistance of a weapon. Yet, despite these differential possibilities, very little research has
explicitly considered the role that weapons play in hate crime violence and victimization,
compared with other violent offending.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Prior research has consistently demonstrated hate crimes to be quantitatively and quali-
tatively more severe (i.e., violent) than other types of nonbias crimes (Harlow, 2005; Lantz
& Kim, 2019; B. Levin, 1999; J. Levin & McDevitt, 1993; Messner et al., 2004; Perry,
2001; Pezzella & Fetzer, 2017; Strom, 2001; Weisburd & Levin, 1993). Strom (2001), for
example, examined National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) data on aggra-
vated assaults and found that 60% of bias crimes resulted in serious injury to the victim.
Harlow (2005) similarly found that 84% of hate crimes in the National Crime Victimization
Survey (NCVS) involved violent offenses while only 23% of nonhate crimes involved a
violent offense, indicating that hate crimes are more than 3 times more likely than nonbias
crimes to involve a violent offense. Likewise, a study by Pezzella and Fetzer (2017) indi-
cated that the odds of severe physical injury in hate-related assaults were 23% greater than

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