Gun Homicide Research: What We Know and Where We Need to Go

AuthorShani Buggs,April M. Zeoli
Published date01 February 2022
Date01 February 2022
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/10887679211048495
Subject MatterSpecial Issue Articles
https://doi.org/10.1177/10887679211048495
Homicide Studies
2022, Vol. 26(1) 11 –26
© 2021 SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/10887679211048495
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Special Issue Article
Gun Homicide Research:
What We Know and Where
We Need to Go
Shani Buggs1 and April M. Zeoli2
Abstract
Guns are used in the majority of homicides in the United States, making the problem
of homicide largely a problem of gun violence. This article presents three types of gun
homicide (mass shootings, intimate partner homicide, and community gun violence),
and briefly discusses the state of knowledge on their risk factors and promising
interventions. Future directions for research are presented, focusing on examining
differential implementation and impacts of interventions by racialized groups and
communities, as well as interrogating conventional approaches and methodologies.
Keywords
structural causes, gun policy, community-based violence, gun homicide, prevention
From 2010 through 2019, the homicide rate in the United States was 5.60 per 100,000
people. Seventy-two percent of these homicides were committed with guns (Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2021). While the United States continues
to be an outlier in gun-related deaths compared to other high-income nations, and the
gun death rate in the U.S. has increased while it has decreased in other countries
(Grinshteyn & Hemenway, 2019), research has illustrated wide intrastate and intra-
region variation in gun homicide rates within the U.S. (e.g., see Pear et al., 2018;
Walker et al., 2016). General population statistics, however, obscure the well-recog-
nized disparities in gun homicide rates that exist between demographic groups. There
are also relatively distinct types of gun homicide that have differing epidemiology,
including community gun violence, intimate partner homicide, and multiple-casualty
1University of California, Davis, CA, USA
2Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA
Corresponding Author:
April M. Zeoli, School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, 655 Auditorium Road, East Lansing,
MI 48103, USA.
Email: zeoli@msu.edu
1048495HSXXXX10.1177/10887679211048495Homicide StudiesBuggs and Zeoli
research-article2021
12 Homicide Studies 26(1)
(mass) shootings. These variations in gun homicide have motivated researchers to
examine place-based and structural factors that may contribute to the problem of
homicide, and to look to a wide range of interventions for its reduction. In this paper,
we will briefly discuss three types of gun homicide—mass shootings, intimate partner
homicides, and community gun violence—focusing on risk factors and interventions,
including those that are cross-cutting, and provide suggestions for future research
directions. We spend the bulk of the paper on community gun violence because it is the
most common type of gun homicide.
Gun Homicide Categories and Demographic Differences
The type of gun homicide that arguably garners the most attention and generates the
most widespread fear, despite making up a small percentage of gun homicide deaths,
is multiple-casualty, or mass, shootings. While criteria used to define a mass shooting
differ between data sources, a definition commonly used by researchers is the shooting
deaths of four or more individuals in one event (which could occur over several hours)
(Duwe, 2020). Using this definition, there has been an average of 22 mass shootings
per year from 2010 through 2018 (Duwe, 2020); however, the far-reaching impacts
and higher prevalence of shootings with multiple victims, regardless of lethality, may
be overlooked by focusing only on this category of multiple-casualty shootings.
The most common type of mass shooting involves the killing of family members,
including intimate partners (Fridel, 2021), with a greater percentage of cases involving
the killing of family members and/or a shooter with a history of domestic violence
(Geller et al., 2021; Zeoli & Paruk, 2020). Relatedly, when women are killed, they are
most often killed by their current or former intimate partners and the weapon most
often used is a gun (Fridel & Fox, 2019). Indeed, a violent male intimate partner’s
access to a gun increases the risk of homicide of the female partner by 400% (Campbell
et al., 2003). Interventions that reduce intimate partner homicide may have the poten-
tial to prevent some mass shootings (Zeoli & Paruk, 2020), but more research is needed
to determine this.
Community violence is a category of interpersonal violence that takes place in
public places between individuals who are not intimately related (The National Child
Traumatic Stress Network, 2019); thus, community gun violence is community vio-
lence committed with a gun. Most interpersonal gun homicides in the United States—
which have fluctuated but increased from 3.88 per 100,000 in 1999 to 4.38 per 100,000
in 2019 (CDC, 2021)—fall into this category.
Based on statistics from the (CDC) (2021), homicide was in the top five leading
causes of death for Americans aged 1 to 44 years old from 1999 to 2019. However, per
CDC data, it has been the number one cause of death for non-Hispanic Black males
aged 15 to 34 years since at least 1990, with over 85% of these homicides having been
committed with guns. While 15 to 34 years is a high-risk age group for homicide in
general, in 2019, the age-adjusted rate of homicide for non-Hispanic Black males of
all ages was almost 11 times higher than that of non-Hispanic White males (39.87 vs.
3.67 per 100,000, respectively) and the rate of gun homicide was over 14 times higher

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