Governors' Job Performance Ratings and State Unemployment: The Case of California

DOI10.1177/0160323X9903100101
AuthorSusan B. Hansen
Published date01 December 1999
Date01 December 1999
Subject MatterGeneral Interest
7Winter 1999
State an d Local Government Review
Vol. 31, No. 1 (Winter 1999): 7-17
GENERAL INTEREST
THIS ARTICLE analyzes changes over
time in the relationship between
state economic conditions and gu-
bernatorial job performance ratings. Most
previous rese arch has found little evidence of
a state-level relationship comparable to that
linking a president’s popularity to national
economic trends. A few recent studies, how-
ever, have suggested that governors’ repu-
tations are vulnerable to state economies.
Time-ser ies data from the California Field
Poll (1967–97) are used here to model changes
in these relationships.
Even when controlling for other factors
that affect approval or disapproval of the
governor (changes in per capita p ersonal
income, tax increases, national economic
trends, length of time in office, the governor’s
party or electoral margin), regression analy-
sis shows a significant relationship between
state-level unemployment and a governor’s
job per formance ratings. This may not be an
entirely reasonable or fair judgment on the
part of Californian s, since most analysts con-
clude that governors can do very little about
state economic trends in general and un-
employment in particular. Politically, how-
ever, these results accord well with both pop-
ular expectations and governors’ views of
their agendas.
Governors’ Job Performance Ratings and State
Unemployment: The Case of California
Susan B. Hansen
Previous Research on Governors
and State Economies
The impact of economic conditions on presi-
dential popularity has b een well documented
using survey and electoral data (Mueller
1973; Monroe 1984; Markus 1988; Erikson
1989; Edwards 1991). Few could deny that
a troubled economy hurt G eorge Bush in
1992, or that the lowest unemployment lev-
els in 24 years helped Clinton to victory in
1996, despite the media focus on scandals
and special prosecutors. But as Brody’s re-
view of this literature shows (1991), the re-
sults are decidedly mixed; duration of unem-
ployment, inflation, elite policy views, the
party of the president, and media coverage
all mediate the impact of economic down-
turns on presidential popularity. As Suzuki
(1992) hypothesizes, voters and the media
may have come to expect preelection pump-
priming and economic activism, and this
forces presidential candidates to make pledges
that may prove difficult to keep in an increas-
ingly global ec onomy.
Does the president, as the most visible and
responsible economic policymaker, shoulder
more of the blame? Are governors likewise
vulnerable to economic conditions in their
states? Most previous research has found

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