Government contracts and US bond yield spreads: A study on costs and benefits of materialized political connections

AuthorJurica Susnjara,Thanh Ngo
Date01 July 2020
Published date01 July 2020
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jbfa.12440
DOI: 10.1111/jbfa.12440
Government contracts and US bond yield spreads:
A study on costs and benefits of materialized
political connections
Thanh Ngo1Jurica Susnjara2
1East Carolina University, 3127 Bate Building,
Greenville, NC 27858
2Barry University, 11300 NE 2nd Ave,Miami
Shores, FL 33161
Correspondence
JuricaSusnjara, Barry University, 11300 NE 2nd
Ave,Miami Shores, Florida 33161, USA.
Email:jsusnjara@barry.edu
Abstract
In a 1991–2013 sample of bonds issued by US public firms, we
find that the cost of debt (yield spread relative to comparable
Treasuries)of suppliers to government agencies is contingent on the
strategic importance of the supplier’s industry.The yield spreads for
strategically unimportant government suppliers are higher than for
firms that are not government suppliers. If government contracts
serve as tangible evidence of political connections, these higher
yield spreads indicate that weaker corporategovernance as a cost of
political connections outweighs the benefits of said connections. For
the subsample of government suppliers from strategicallyimportant
industries, where the benefits of implicit bailout guarantees and
revenue stability outweigh the corporate governance problems, the
cost of debt is lower than for firms that are not government sup-
pliers. The higher (lower) cost of debt for strategically unimportant
(strategicallyimportant) suppliers is confined to contracting with the
federal government. Our findings are robust to alternative variable
and sample specifications, and to endogeneity concerns.
KEYWORDS
cost of debt, government contracts, political connections, yield
spread
JEL CLASSIFICATION
G12, G23
1INTRODUCTION
In 1991, US public firms reported US$ 169.3 billion worth of government contracts, of which US$ 13.4 billion (7.9%)
came from bond issuers.1In 2013, US$ 563 billion of government contracts were reported, of which US$ 82 billion
1Datafrom Compustat Segment Customer and SDC New Issues Databases. Restrictions apply to the availability of these data, which were used under license
forthis study. Data are available from the authors with the permission of the appropriate vendors.
J Bus Fin Acc. 2020;47:1059–1085. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/jbfa c
2020 John Wiley & Sons Ltd 1059
1060 NGO ANDSUSNJARA
(14.6%) came from bond issuers. Motivated by both the increased economic importance of contractswith government
agencies in the United States and bythose contracts’ increasing overlap with bond markets, we explore whether having
government contracts has an effect on a firm’s access to public credit. Insofar as governmentcontracts can be viewed
as proxies for political connections, both benefits and costs associated with political connections come into play. A
growing body of finance literature associated with politically connected firms (PCFs henceforth) offers possible expla-
nations of both benefits for and costs to a firm’s cost of capital, without conclusively stating which of the two effects
dominates. Governments can directly extractrents by forcing firms into inefficient investments that do not maximize
shareholder wealth (Brockman, Rui, & Zou, 2013). They can also indirectly hurt the firms they are connected to by
allowing managers to become entrenched (Boubakri, El Ghoul, & Saffar, 2013) and subject to moralhazard. Together,
these inefficiencies can lead to a higher cost of debt, as Borisova, Fotak,Holland, and Megginson (2015) find in a global
sample. Alternatively, most single-country studies on the financialeffects of political connections find greater access
to credit markets, in particular during financial crises (Johnson and Mitton (2003) in Malaysia, and Fisman (2001) and
Leuz and Oberholzer-Gee (2006) in Indonesia during the Asian Financial Crisis).
Financial costs and benefits to PCFs have not been studied as extensively in the United States, since political con-
nections as defined byprevious studies are more widespread in countries with weaker legal systems (Faccio, 2006) and
lower judicial independence (Boubakri, Cosset, & Saffar,2008). In the United States, both significant government own-
ership(Borisova et al., 2015; Houston, Lin, & Ma, 2011) and bank lending under government influence (Beck, Demirgüç-
Kunt, & Levine, 2006; La Porta, Lopez-de-Silanes, & Shleifer, 2002; Serdar Dinç, 2005) are less prevalent. Recently,
studies have found quicker and higher bailouts (Tahoun & Van Lent, 2018) and lower costs of bank loans (Houston,
Jiang, Lin, & Ma, 2014) for PCFs.
Mostinternational studies rely on the Faccio (2006) definitionof political connections: having a large shareholder or
top officer who is a top government official or closely connected to a top governmentofficial. With stricter conflict-of-
interest regulation in the United States, this results in very small samples of US PCFs. We add to this body of literature
by specifically examining whether governmentcontracts, as both tangible evidence and consequence of political con-
nections (Faccio, 2006; Goldman, Rocholl, & So, 2013; Tahoun, 2014), are related to the cost of borrowing through
bond markets. Using the Compustat Segment Customer Database, we identify whether a firm serves as a supplier to
government agencies (i.e., has governmentagencies as its customers).
This approach allows us to identify political connections via government contractsin a sample of US publicly traded
firms, while prior studies on political connections focus primarily on international firms. Some prior political connec-
tions that result in the attainment of government contracts maynot be captured by the Faccio (2006) definition. Even
political connections captured by this definition may be considered stronger once they have materialized as govern-
ment contracts. In other instances, a government contractobtained without a prior political connection may create an
ongoing business association and a de facto political connection for future use, also not captured by the Faccio (2006)
definition. For those reasons, a government contract may send a previouslyunexplored powerful signal to the credit
markets.
We examine a sample of US public bonds issued in 1991–2013, and their yield spreads relative to closest-in-
maturity Treasury securities. Government contractors from strategically important and strategically unimportant
industries are examined separately.2Our results show that the yield spread is lower for governmentsupplier firms
from strategically important industries. This suggests that the positive signal regarding political importance sent by
contracts with government agencies outweighs corporate governanceconcerns for firms more likely to be important
based on their industry. Among strategically unimportant industries, the yield spread is higher for firms that supply
government agencies; the spread increases as the proportion of sales coming from government contracts increases.
The government contracts in these strategically unimportant industries appear to emphasize the negatives of politi-
cal connections and influence, both direct (governmentalrent extraction through inefficient investment decisions) and
2We derive our definition of strategically important industries from Manzetti (1994) and similar studies: financial, mining, oil, steel, telecommunications,
transportation,utilities, and military-related production. We individually identify the SIC codes that match those industries, and list them in Appendix A.

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