A Good Partisan? Ideology, Loyalty, and Public Evaluations of Members of Congress
| Published date | 01 August 2023 |
| Author | Geoffrey Sheagley,Logan Dancey,John Henderson |
| Date | 01 August 2023 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12399 |
657
LEGISLATIVE STUDIES QUARTERLY, 48, 3, August 2023
DOI: 10.1111/lsq.12399
GEOFFREY SHEAGLEY
University of Georgia
LOGAN DANCEY
Wesleyan University
JOHN HENDERSON
Independent scholar
A Good Partisan? Ideology, Loyalty,
and Public Evaluations of Members of
Congress
In recent years, legislators from both parties have drawn attention for
their public support or opposition to leading figures within their party, such
as Donald Trump and Nancy Pelosi. Yet we know relatively little about the
extent to which voters care about members’ professed loyalty to party lead-
ers, especially when compared to competing considerations such as mem-
bers’ policy positions. In two national survey experiments, we independently
manipulate hypothetical Democratic and Republican legislators’ ideological
reputations and levels of support for a leading party figure. Through our
experiments and a supplemental observational analysis, we find that parti-
sans in the electorate do use information about support for or opposition to
leading party figures as a basis for evaluating members of Congress. At the
same time, the results reaffirm the importance voters attach to policy and
ideological factors and suggest these considerations are not overwhelmed by
partisan loyalty considerations.
“It’s not that you just have to be with the president on
policy— you can’t question his behavior and still be a Republican
in good standing, apparently, in a Republican primary” (quoted in
Edelman2017): In explaining his decision not to seek re- election,
former Senator Jeff Flake (R- AZ) pointed to the electoral difficul-
ties he faced as a result of his public criticism of then- President
Donald Trump. Despite voting with the Republican Party 99%
of the time in 2017 (“CQ Vote Studies” 2018)— including on
signature Republican agenda items such as efforts to repeal the
Affordable Care Act and the confirmation of Neil Gorsuch to
© 2022 Washington University in St. Louis.
658 Geoffrey Sheagley, Logan Dancey and John Handerson
the Supreme Court— Flake had little support among Arizona
Republicans by the end of 2017 (Prokop2017). Nearly four years
later, Representative Liz Cheney’s (R- WY) criticism of Trump re-
sulted in her removal from Republican leadership in the House.
Elise Stefanik (R- NY), who replaced Cheney in leadership, had a
less conservative voting record during her time in Congress (Lewis
et al. 2022), but had been a more consistent supporter of then-
former- President Trump. In a contest between conservative cre-
dentials and Trump loyalty, Republican voters and elites seem to
prefer the latter.
The intra- party conflict among Republicans during the
Trump era highlights how members of Congress are evalu-
ated not just on their policy records, but also on whether they
are “team players” who refrain from criticizing leaders in their
party. Although congressional scholars are increasingly atten-
tive to how both ideology and partisan considerations structure
legislative behavior (Lee2009, 2016; Theriault2013; Koger and
Lebo2017), there is minimal research on how voters evaluate
candidates on these two dimensions (although see Carson et
al.2010). Research on vote choice and electoral accountability
has largely focused on whether voters reward or punish legisla-
tors for their policy positions (e.g., Ansolabehere and Jones2010;
Erikson and Wright2013). Now the expression of support or
opposition to party leaders has also become a salient campaign
issue. For example, in 2016, multiple publications kept track of
where Republican elected officials stood on Donald Trump’s
candidacy (e.g., Graham2016), while in 2018 many Democratic
House candidates staked out a public position on whether or not
they supported Nancy Pelosi as leader of the House Democrats
(Green and Harris2020).
While these examples suggest that voters care about their
elected officials’ support for party leaders, the degree to which
this is the case, especially when considered alongside policy in-
formation, is less well known. Do voters evaluate candidates
based on their support for key party leaders? How important is
support for a party leader when voters also have access to sub-
stantive information about the official’s ideological record and
policy positions? Do co- partisan and out- partisan voters react
in different ways to these types of information?
We address these questions using a combination of survey
experiments and observational data. The survey experiments—
included on the 2018 Cooperative Election Study (CES)1 and an
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