Good Intentions: Women’s Narratives of Post-Release Anticipatory Desistance in the Context of Historical and Contemporary Disadvantage and Trauma

Published date01 December 2020
Date01 December 2020
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/1557085120923403
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/1557085120923403
Feminist Criminology
2020, Vol. 15(5) 519 –544
© The Author(s) 2020
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DOI: 10.1177/1557085120923403
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Article
Good Intentions: Women’s
Narratives of Post-Release
Anticipatory Desistance in
the Context of Historical and
Contemporary Disadvantage
and Trauma
Rachel Hale1
Abstract
Desistance theorizing has concentrated on the male experience resulting in relatively
less knowledge about how criminalized women negotiate nonoffending, particularly from
a qualitative perspective. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with eight formerly
incarcerated women in Victoria, Australia, this research explores the anticipation of
desistance in the context of experiences preceding and following incarceration. The
findings highlight how individual-level intentions to cease offending can be eclipsed by
historical and ongoing disadvantage and trauma. In emphasizing the gendered socio-
structural barriers affecting women’s desistance efforts, this article contributes to a
small, yet important, emerging discourse—a form of critical feminist desistance.
Keywords
desistance, women, offending, gender, post-release
Introduction
Criminological theories regarding the cessation of offending (desistance) flourished in
the 1980s, extending on early age–based, maturational explanations (Glueck &
Glueck, 1937) to consider offender choice and rational decision-making (Clarke &
Cornish, 1985; Cusson & Pinsonneault, 1986). The relatively young field of inquiry
has since grown to examine the role of social bonds (Burnett & McNeill, 2005;
Farrington, 1992; Sampson & Laub, 1993), cognitive transformation (Giordano et al.,
1Federation University Australia, Berwick, Victoria, Australia
Corresponding Author:
Rachel Hale, School of Arts, Federation University Australia, 100 Clyde Road, Berwick, Victoria 3806,
Australia.
Email: r.hale@federation.edu.au
923403FCXXXX10.1177/1557085120923403Feminist CriminologyHale
research-article2020
520 Feminist Criminology 15(5)
2002), identity work (Paternoster & Bushway, 2009), and socio-structural influences
(Farrall et al., 2010; Maruna & Farrall, 2004). Male behavior sits at the center of most
desistance studies, a characteristic that has not gone uncriticized (Barr, 2019; Massoglia
& Uggen, 2007; Thompson & Petrovic, 2009). Subsequently, there is a lack of insight
into the experience of negotiating, anticipating, and actualizing desistance for crimi-
nalized women, situating this article within a discourse fundamentally focussed on one
portion of the offending population.
Criminalized women encounter unique challenges compared to their male counter-
parts, including increased financial insecurity, poverty and homelessness, and higher
rates of intimate partner and sexual violence (Belknap, 2007; O’Brien, 2001). It is
reasonable then to expect that male-based theories are unlikely to represent the reality
of desisting for women. A 2016 review comparing the findings of 44 studies of female
desistance with male-based desistance theories (Rodermond et al., 2016) indicated
that there are certainly common factors influencing desistance for both men and
women, including social connectedness, employment, and abstaining from drug use.
Nevertheless, qualitative studies revealed gender differences regarding the impact and
importance of those factors, disparities that are no doubt influenced by the broader
patriarchal structural conditions that lead to the criminalization of women—predomi-
nantly poor and Indigenous—to begin with (Barr, 2019).
Despite females comprising the minority of convicted offenders and prisoners,
increasing global rates of female incarceration offer credence to the study of women’s
unique pathways into, and importantly, out of crime. In the current neo-liberal climate
of mass incarceration in Western capitalist nations, of which the largest growth in
imprisonment rates since the millennium has been witnessed for women (Walmsley,
2017), there is much to be gained from studying the desistance pathways of criminal-
ized women. The aim of this current study, therefore, was to examine women’s experi-
ences pre-, during, and post-incarceration to understand the context of their desistance
efforts, framed by the following research questions:
1. Research Question 1: What are the pre-offending life stories of the women
and their pathways into crime?
2. Research Question 2: What are the women’s experiences with the criminal
justice system, in particular in prison?
3. Research Question 3: What are the women’s experiences following, and in
between, periods of incarceration?
4. Research Question 4: How do these experiences impact the capacity to desist
from offending and reintegrate post-release?
A sample of eight women participated in semi-structured interviews following impris-
onment in Victoria, Australia. The insights of six post-release support workers were
also included in the initial study, though their narratives are not presented to maintain
the centrality of the voices of criminalized women. The women spoke about their
experiences during childhood, pathways into offending, contact with the criminal (in)
justice system, and journeys from custody to community and often times back again.

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