A Good Idea, Given a Few Basic Reforms
Author | Marty Spitzer |
Position | Legislative Director at the Center for Clean Air Policy |
Pages | 52-52 |
Page 52 ❧ THE ENVIRONMENTAL FORUM Copyright © 2010, Environmental Law Institute®, Washington, D.C. www.eli.org.
Reprinted by permission from The Environmental Forum®, May/June 2010
Th e fo r u m
A Good Idea,
Given a Few
Basic Reforms
M S
It is time again to debate the role
of international offsets. Much
has changed since the U.N.
adopted the Clean Develop-
ment Mechanism as part of the
Kyoto Protocol, allowing developing
countries to sell offsets to developed
countries. e CDM has been bene-
ficial to both poor and rich countries
by bringing financing to the former
and helping to reduce compliance
costs for the latter.
Today our goals have changed and
international offsets policy must also
change. While we still need to lower
our compliance costs by purchasing
offsets from developing countries, to
avoid a 2°C rise in global tempera-
tures we must also reduce our own
emissions and simultaneously accel-
erate the pace at which major devel-
oping countries reduce theirs.
e oft-heard rhetoric in Wash-
ington and among businesses —
that the United States needs a large
pool of offsets to lower costs and
should not act before China and
India — may feel good but creates
a dilemma. If we continue paying
developing countries to reduce emis-
sions to meet our own reduction
goals, what incentive will they have
to undertake and finance their own
emissions reductions? Moreover, our
energy-intensive and trade-sensitive
industries (e.g., steel) should also be
concerned with current offsets policy
because their competitors in devel-
oping countries profit from selling
credits to us.
Large developing countries are
also beginning to see a problem with
the current CDM. Countries like
China know they must eventually
reduce their absolute emissions, but
worry that selling us their lowest cost
reductions will leave them paying for
more expensive ones.
So what should offsets policy look
like? First, it should build on agree-
ments by developing and developed
countries in the international nego-
tiations. Developing countries have
now agreed they will reduce their
emissions in exchange for financial
and technological assistance from the
developed countries. Offsets could
only be earned for emissions reduc-
tions that go beyond these commit-
ments.
Another important reform would
move away from the current project-
by-project CDM, where it is pos-
sible for some firms to reduce their
emissions and sell offsets even as net
emissions from their sector increase.
Instead, sectoral crediting allows
offsets to be sold only after emissions
are reduced for the entire sector (e.g.,
steel again), fostering environmental
integrity and protecting U.S. jobs.
On deforestation, we need
a staged approach. Developing
countries should first prove their
readiness and capacity to measure,
report, and verify reductions before
receiving credits. Government-to-
government funding should also
be made available to build capacity
and to purchase offsets before they
are completely market ready. e
House-passed Waxman-Markey bill
includes both approaches.
Ultimately, offsets should be part
of the climate solution as long as
they reflect real reductions in emis-
sions and do not undermine global
emissions reductions — including
required reductions from developing
countries — necessary to ward off
the worst impacts of climate change.
If we build on the emerging inter-
national framework and contribute
our fair share of financing to help
developing countries meet their
commitments, we will foster a robust
offsets program that will help meet
the climate challenge at the lowest
possible cost.
Marty Spitzer is the Legislative Director at
the Center for Clean Air Policy.
We’ve Been
Looking for
a Free Lunch
M T
There’s little question that
offsets can be an important
component of climate
change strategy, primar-
ily because of their ability
to moderate near-term mitigation
costs. Today’s ruckus is not really
about whether offsets can contribute
to mitigation, however; it’s about
how they’ve performed to date, and
how to integrate offsets into legisla-
tion. But carbon markets are not an
end in and of themselves. Stakehold-
ers need to be confident that offsets
are actually contributing to mitiga-
tion.
Any effective offset strategy re-
quires balancing two objectives:
lower cost compliance and environ-
mental rigor. Too much focus on
costs, and rigor goes out the window
(because too many reductions are
credited as offsets). Too narrow a
focus on rigor, and costs go sky-high
(because too many real offsets are
excluded from the offset pool). In
looking for the perfect rules that let
in all the low-cost real offsets but
none of the impostors, we’re dream-
ing an impossible dream. It’s crucial
that policymakers define a politically
acceptable balance between these
two objectives.
e key analytical issue here is
“additionality,” perhaps the most
misused and misunderstood word
in climate change mitigation. In a
regulated market an offset ton al-
lows another ton to be emitted from
a source that otherwise would have
been capped. To keep net emis-
sions from exceeding the cap, offsets
brought into the system have to be
additional. Being additional means
that the reductions are attributable
to the existence of a carbon offset
market (since if they’re not the re-
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