Globalization Backlash in Developing Countries: Broadening the Research Agenda

AuthorNiccolò W. Bonifai,Nita Rudra,Irfan Nooruddin
Published date01 November 2021
Date01 November 2021
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00104140211037575
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Comparative Political Studies
2021, Vol. 54(13) 24162441
© The Author(s) 2021
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DOI: 10.1177/00104140211037575
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Globalization Backlash
in Developing Countries:
Broadening the
Research Agenda
Nita Rudra
1
, Irfan Nooruddin
1
, and
Niccol `
o W. Bonifai
1
Abstract
This special issue explores why the globalization backlash is roiling rich in-
dustrialized countries. But why is the backlash less salient in developing ones?
In this piece, we challenge scholars to consider why the backlash has not
diffused widely to the developing world. We argue support for globalization
depends on citizensexpectations of future economic mobility. This is high in
the early phases of globalization which encapsulates many developing
economies. Since information about globalizations effects is limited, observed
mobility of some sustains optimism that the new economic order will allow
everyone to prosper. Over time, unrealized expectations of mobility for less-
skilled workers puncture this optimism. Such workers in rich countries are
long past the honeymoon phase of globalization and confronting realities of
stagnant incomes and job precarity. Barring visionary policies unlikely to
emerge from todays polarized politics, their discontent will soon be shared by
their developing country counterparts, dooming future globalization.
Keywords
globalization, political economy, economic policy, economic liberalization,
developing countries
1
Georgetown University, Washington, DC, USA
Corresponding Author:
Nita Rudra, Government, Georgetown University, Intercultural Center (ICC) 594, 37 & O
Streets, NW, Washington, DC 20057, USA.
Email: nr404@georgetown.edu
A dense set of multilateral frameworks was built after the Second World War
to support a deeply globalized economy. This global order was enabled by a
commitment to openness across the advanced industrial world, which reaped
the benets of trade and investment opportunities manifold. National incomes
rose and average citizens in these countries came to take for granted a quality
of lifein terms of income and opportunitiesthat would have been un-
imaginable for their grandparents. Yet, amidst this wealth and prosperity, a
curious backlash against the proverbial hand-that-fed-them has emerged.
Populist xenophobic responses to globalization have become the political
mainstream, with leaders questioning the legitimacy of the very global liberal
order their predecessors built, in spite of the many benets their citizens had
experienced.
1
The articles in this issue explore the political and economic causes and
consequences of greater international market openness. Taken as a set, and in
conjunction with the broader literature, this special issue generates new
evidence and insights into the growing globalization backlash in rich in-
dustrialized countries, such as Switzerland, the United States, the United
Kingdom, and other Western European countries. They also expose a core
puzzle, yet unanswered: why has the globalization backlash been sharper and
more vituperative in rich countries than in developing ones?
In 2002, 91% of Americans surveyed said that trade was good for their
country. By 2007, this had fallen to 63%. Sharp drops in public support for
trade openness also occurred in other developed nations, such as Italy and
France. Yet support for economic openness remains strong in many devel-
oping countries. For example, in 2002, over 99% of those surveyed in
Vietnam expressed approval of trade and this support had only marginally
reduced in 2014 (Pew Center, 2018). Public support for trade is matched by
government enthusiasm for openness, as suggested by the proliferation in the
cumulative number of South-South preferential trade agreements (see
Figure 1).
Of course, not all developing countries are equally gung-ho abut trade. In
2007, over 35% of respondents in Egypt believed trade to be either bador
very bad.Between 2002 and 2018, the general public in Brazil, India,
Mexico, and South Africa reduced their support toward trade, though the
average level remained still relatively high (trade is somewhat good). These
data suggest that support for globalization varies not only across rich and poor
countries but also within countries over time. A key question is why? Our
collective search for answers in this special issue has focused almost ex-
clusively on conditions that prevail in advanced industrialized countries (e.g.,
formal compensation mechanisms, sovereignty costs related to membership in
a unique political and economic union) to explain support for globalization,
with an implicit assumption that the explanatory utility of these factors,
slightly adjusted for context, travelsto the developing world. The truth is
Rudra et al. 2417

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