Gendered Public Support for Criminalizing “Revenge Porn”

DOI10.1177/1557085118773398
Published date01 December 2019
AuthorSarah Esther Lageson,Suzy McElrath,Krissinda Ellen Palmer
Date01 December 2019
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/1557085118773398
Feminist Criminology
2019, Vol. 14(5) 560 –583
© The Author(s) 2018
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DOI: 10.1177/1557085118773398
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Article
Gendered Public Support
for Criminalizing
“Revenge Porn”
Sarah Esther Lageson1, Suzy McElrath2,
and Krissinda Ellen Palmer1
Abstract
Many states have criminalized “revenge porn,” an increasingly common form of online
sexual abuse. Yet, we know little regarding attitudes toward these laws. Through an
original survey of nearly 500 U.S. residents, we find widespread public support for
criminalization, but support varies by respondent’s self-identified gender and revenge
porn type. Women favor criminalization more than men, but support falls among
women and men when the subject created the media, colloquially known as “selfies”
or “noodz.” Results suggest that women expressing their sexuality are deemed
less deserving of protection, reinforcing feminist legal critiques of criminal law as
insufficient to prevent sexual abuse.
Keywords
pornography, revenge porn, criminal law, public opinion, victimization
Introduction
Nonconsensual image sharing has many names: revenge porn, nonconsensual pornog-
raphy, and image-based sexual abuse (McGlynn, Rackly, & Houghton, 2017), and has
recently captured the public’s eye as a new form of online sexual violence. Media
accounts, victim advocacy, and recent scholarship all frame revenge porn as a pressing
social problem, but disagree on whether and how to employ the criminal justice sys-
tem as a remedy (Najdowski, 2017). Legal scholars have suggested both civil and
1Rutgers University–Newark, NJ, USA
2University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN, USA
Corresponding Author:
Sarah Esther Lageson, School of Criminal Justice, Rutgers University–Newark, 123 Washington Street,
Center for Law and Justice #547, Newark, NJ 07102, USA.
Email: sarah.lageson@rutgers.edu
773398FCXXXX10.1177/1557085118773398Feminist CriminologyLageson et al.
research-article2018
Lageson et al. 561
criminal approaches, while victims’ advocacy groups have successfully lobbied states
to enact legislation to criminalize the distribution of sexually explicit media shared
without the image subject’s consent (Goldstein, 2015; Najdowski & Hildebrand,
2014). First Amendment advocates, however, have challenged the constitutionality of
several new state laws (e.g., Antigone Books v. Brnovich, 2015). Amid these debates,
we lack a broader understanding of public opinion regarding the criminalization of
revenge porn.
We employ an online survey to measure public support for the criminalization of
revenge porn. We specifically consider how self-identified gender and perceptions of
victim culpability shape these views. Given the evidence that public opinion exerts a
large effect on criminal justice policy (Enns, 2016), this research adds a missing compo-
nent to the ongoing debate of how to best respond to this pernicious social phenomenon.
Based on our non-probability online survey of nearly 500 American adults, we find high
levels of support for criminalizing revenge porn, although support is higher among
respondents who self-identified as a woman in our survey than those who self-identified
as a man.1 In addition, we find that respondents were less likely to support criminaliza-
tion when victims took the images themselves (“selfies”) than when respondents were
asked about revenge porn generally or images that were distributed by intimate partners
or spouses. These findings persist when we control for other potential explanations, such
as the respondent’s age, race, education level, political ideology, and concern for online
privacy. Based on these results, we argue that cultural beliefs about gender and victim
culpability play a key role in support for and against revenge porn laws.
Background
Nonconsensual Image Sharing and Related Harms
“Revenge porn” is a form of technologically facilitated sexual violence (Henry &
Powell, 2018), wherein a perpetrator distributes (typically electronically) nude and/or
sexually explicit photos and/or videos of an individual without their consent (Citron &
Franks, 2014). Scholars and journalists have used the term disparately to describe a
wide variety of acts, including voyeurism, hacked images, digitally produced images,
and images uploaded to the Internet (Levendowski, 2014). Indeed, revenge porn takes
various forms based on the nature and intent behind the image production and dissemi-
nation. For example, images may have been taken without the victim’s knowledge, or
the victim may have initially consented to the photograph being taken, and even taken
the photograph themselves (Stokes, 2014). Images may be sent or shared privately
with a specific few individuals or published on social media or a website dedicated to
revenge pornography (Martinez, 2014). In addition, perpetrators may distribute the
images inadvertently, as a joke, or may be seeking to intimidate, harass, or humiliate
the subject, be it an ex-paramour, classmate, coworker, or roommate (Bloom, 2014;
Salter, Crofts, & Murray, 2013).
The terminology surrounding this new form of victimization is still evolving. For
instance, Henry and Powell (2016) noted that labeling the phenomenon “pornography”
minimizes the harm done to victims because it “liken[s] the images to an acceptable

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