Gender, Religious, and Political Ideologies Among Three‐Generation Families: Implications for Family Conflict

• Published date: 01 December 2021
• Author: Casey M. Gamboni,Elizabeth R. Watters,Kayla Reed‐Fitzke
• Date: 01 December 2021
• DOI: http://doi.org/10.1111/fare.12559

C M. GNorthwestern University

E R. W  K R-FUniversity of Iowa

Gender, Religious, and Political Ideologies Among

Three-Generation Families: Implications for

Family Conict

Objective: The purpose of the present study was

to identify subgroups of families based on ide-

ologies and examine intergenerational conict

predicated by ideological subset.

Background: Gender, religious, and political

ideologies are keyto understanding how individ-

uals’ function both within their families and in

society and can provide insight to intergenera-

tional conict.

Methods: Families (85%–95% White) included

individuals across three generations (late, mid-

dle, and emerging adulthood). Data from the

Longitudinal Study of Generations (LSOG) was

used to conduct latent prole analyses.

Results: Three subgroups of families were

identied: nontraditional ideology families,

traditional ideology families, and adapt-

ing ideology families. Using the modied

Bolck-Croon-Hagenaars (2004) approach,

intergenerational conict between proles was

examined.

Conclusions: Findings provide a snapshot of

common groupings of families based on genera-

tional members’ gender, religious, and political

ideologies. Findings indicate that conict may

Family Institute at Northwestern University,

Northwestern University, Evanston, IL 60201

(cgamboni@family-institute.org).

KeyWords: gender ideology,intergenerational, latent prole

analysis, political ideology, religiousideology.

be reported morefrequently by middle-aged par-

ents or children (i.e., “sandwich generation”)in

nontraditional ideology and adapting ideology

families.

Implications: Findings suggest that in approx-

imately half of families in this study, emerging

adults have similar ideologies to their grandpar-

ents, indicating there may not be such extreme

differences between generations as arecolloqui-

ally perceived.

B

An ideology can be dened as an internally

consistent system of values and beliefs a person

holds (Converse, 1964). Gender, religious, and

political ideologies are often considered three

of the most prominent and inuential compo-

nents of individual and family identities (Min

et al., 2012; Moen et al., 1997). Exploring such

ideologies is key to understanding individuals’

macro- and micro-level experiences both within

their families and in society. This may be partic-

ularly important as individuals undergo crucial

transitional stages, such as when an adoles-

cent becomes an emerging adult and launches

from the family home (Elder, 1998). Identi-

fying connections between family members’

ideologies may lead to a richer understand-

ing of how families negotiate expected rules,

roles, and communication. The purpose of

the present study was to identify subgroups

Family Relations 70 (December 2021): 1529–15451529

DOI:10.1111/fare.12559

1530 Family Relations

of three-generation (later adulthood, middle

adulthood, and emerging adulthood) families

according to gender, religious, and political ide-

ologies and to examine how subgroups differ in

regard to intergenerational conict (i.e., preva-

lence and intensity of disagreement, arguing,

tension, and criticism between generations).

Life Course Theory

Life course theory offers a conceptual means

for exploring the lived experiences of individu-

als and families through a developmental frame-

work and can be used to situate macro- and

micro-level experiences (Elder, 1998; Elder &

Rockwell, 1979). Development and change are

a normative, and expected, part of a family’s

life course. Additionally, the cohort in which an

individual resides has meaningful implications

for the development and maintenance of ide-

ologies (Elder, 1998; Elder & Rockwell, 1979).

There are six primary principles that guide the

life course theory and situate the present study.

First, the sociohistorical construct of this

theory posits that an individual’s developmental

path is embedded and transformed through life

and is affected by historical context, family,

and social background. Second, timing of lives

situates developmental periods (e.g., emerging

adulthood) as important contexts; timing and

developmental transitions affect roles, rules,

and rights of families at an individual and

societal level (Elder, 1998; Price et al., 2000).

The third principal, heterogeneity or variability,

emphasizes how different cohorts may have

varying values and beliefs dependent on gen-

der, social class, family structure, and religion

(Elder, 1998). Societal shifts (e.g., World War

II, civil rights movement, gender equality) are

expected to contribute to systemic shifts across

familial generations, contributing to hetero-

geneity between cohorts. The fourth principle

is based on the importance of linked lives and

social ties, emphasizing that both societal and

personal experiences impact an individual’s

views and beliefs over time (Elder, 1998). As

such, it is important to consider the socio-

historical (e.g., gender, religious, political)

and developmental (e.g., emerging adulthood)

context of both individuals and the family

when examining similarities and differences

in ideologies during and after a developmental

transition.

Additionally, the fth principal, human

agency and personal control, posits that indi-

vidual values and beliefs inuence family

functioning and social structure (Elder, 1998).

It is critical to examine not only how ideologies

may vary within and between families but also

what impact such similarities or differences

have on family functioning, such as intergen-

erational conict. Last, the sixth tenet can be

used to describe how the past shapes the future,

such that early life course decisions and con-

ditions can affect individual’s later outcomes

(Elder, 1998). When emerging adults launch

from the family, theymay go through a period in

which they are exposed to differing views from

their family and are faced with either integrating

new ideas or maintaining current values. When

emerging adults are exposed to new experiences,

there is a potential for intergenerational conict

to occur as the family decides how to respond to

potential changes.

Gender Ideology

Gender ideology reects an individual’s values

and beliefs regarding gender roles and expecta-

tions (Davis & Greenstein, 2009). Following the

gender revolution, extantliterature has examined

gender ideology in the context of roles within

work, home, and society, largely situating roles

along a continuum of egalitarian to traditional

views (Gerson, 2009; Korabik et al., 2008).

Individuals with egalitarian gender ideologies

tend to be interested in decreasing gender strat-

ication and dividing tasks and work based on

a person’s skills, preferences, and abilities with

the assumption that men and women are equally

capable (Zuo & Tang, 2000). Egalitarian gender

ideologies have been shown to be the more

prevalent among women in higher education, as

well as those who are in full-time employment

(Scarborough et al., 2019). Traditional gender

ideologies have generally been described as

valuing men as leaders and heads of households

and women as leaders of domestic responsibili-

ties who can rely on their husbands for nancial

stability (Paxton & Kunovich, 2003). There

appears to be a shift in society, specically

moving toward more egalitarian attitudes and

decreasing gender stratication (Scarborough

et al., 2019). This overall shift in societal

gender ideologies indicates that there may

be increased conict within families if younger