Gender in Academic Networking: The Role of Gatekeepers in Professorial Recruitment

AuthorYvonne Benschop,Marieke Brink
Date01 May 2014
Published date01 May 2014
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/joms.12060
Gender in Academic Networking: The Role of
Gatekeepers in Professorial Recruitment
Marieke van den Brink and Yvonne Benschop
Radboud University Nijmegen
ABSTRACT The aim of this study is to build a theoretical framework to understand how
gendered networking practices produce or counter inequalities in organizations. We introduce
a practice approach combined with a feminist perspective in organization network studies. The
notions of gender and networking as social practices allow better insights into what people say
and do in networks, and the ways that networking produces or counters gender inequalities.
We draw on empirical material about professorial appointments in Dutch academia and
analyse the accounts of gatekeepers illuminating their networking practices. The accounts show
which networking practices gatekeepers routinely use in recruitment and how these networking
practices are intertwined with gender practices. We use the notion of mobilizing masculinities
to understand the self-evident identification of men gatekeepers with men in their networks,
and to understand how both men and women gatekeepers prefer the male candidates that
resemble the proven masculine success model. Furthermore, this study provides the first
empirical insights in mobilizing femininities in which women search for and support women
candidates. We show how the gender practice of mobilizing femininities is a more precarious
and marked practice than mobilizing masculinities. Mobilizing femininities in networking is
intended to counter gender inequalities, but is only partially successful. Through constructions
of ‘who you can trust’ or ‘who is a risk’, gatekeepers exercise the power of inclusion and
exclusion and contribute to the persistence of structural gender inequalities.
Keywords: academic recruitment, gatekeepers, gender practices, mobilizing femininities,
mobilizing masculinities, networking
INTRODUCTION
Networks are a burgeoning terrain of research in management and organization studies
(Borgatti and Foster, 2003; Ibarra et al., 2005; Jack, 2005; Kilduff and Brass, 2010;
Parkhe et al., 2006). Organizational scholars have shown that involvement in networks
is important for a successful career since interpersonal networks can provide job oppor-
tunities (Burt, 1992, 2005; Granovetter, 1974; Lin and Dumin, 1986), support (Bagilhole
Address for reprints: Marieke van den Brink, Institute for Management Research, Radboud University
Nijmegen, PO Box 9108, 6500 HK Nijmegen, The Netherlands (mcl.vandenbrink@fm.ru.nl).
bs_bs_banner
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
Journal of Management Studies 51:3 May 2014
doi: 10.1111/joms.12060
and Goode, 2001; Gersick et al., 2000; James, 2000), influence and status attainment (Lai
et al., 1998; Mehra et al., 2006), and a higher salary (Seidel et al., 2000). Most research
concentrates on the beneficial effects of networks, such as social support, resources,
information, and improved performance (Flap and Völker, 2004). Yet, networks also
produce inequalities as there is ample evidence of network related unequal outcomes in
status, influence, careers, information, and trust (Ibarra, 1992; Krackhardt, 1990;
Podolny and Baron, 1997). Network studies have paid some attention to inequalities in
the networks of people with different social identities, such as age, race, ethnicity, social
class, and gender (Ibarra et al., 2005; G. McGuire, 2012; M. McGuire, 2002; Reagans,
2011). The focus of this paper is on gender in networks, as gender is a fundamental
organizing principle (Scott, 1986) that cuts through other social identities.
Previous network research has shown differences between women and men in struc-
tures and success of networks (Brass, 1985; Burt, 1998; Durbin, 2011; Forret and
Dougherty, 2004; Ibarra, 1997). Men have more access to higher status sponsors,
strategic network partners, and powerful coalitions (Burt, 1998; Ibarra, 1993). Women
experience barriers to networking because of time constraints and family responsibilities
(Forret and Dougherty, 2001; Linehan, 2001) and their reluctance to engage in network
activities (Tonge, 2008). Women use their networks for social support whereas men
successfully use networks for self-promotion and increasing their internal visibility (Forret
and Dougherty, 2004; Ibarra, 1992).
Despite their contribution to the identification of sex differences in networks, these
studies present two major limitations. First, they consider gender as a variable, main-
taining the categories of women and men as robust categories to measure and explain
various inequalities in networks (Alvesson and Billing, 2009). This emphasis on sex
differences constrains our ability to consider how organizations as socio-cultural contexts
shape these differences (Ely and Padavic, 2007). This is problematic as it fails to address
gendered norms in organizations, overlooks structural power inequalities, and neglects
the complex interplay between organizational features and individual-level processes
(Acker, 1990).
Second, in line with the majority of social network research in organizations, studies
on sex differences in networks concentrate on network structures and outcomes. Several
prominent network scholars have noted that the networking activities that produce these
structures and outcomes receive much less attention (Brass et al., 2004; Ibarra et al.,
2005; Kilduff and Tsai, 2003; Porter and Powell, 2006). The emphasis on social struc-
tures gives centre stage to the formal properties of abstract relations between actors, but
provides little insight in how those structures come about. Agentic perspectives on
networks are relatively rare and there is still much more to learn about network behav-
iour or networking (Ibarra et al., 2005). Kilduff and Brass (2010) note how the most
frequent criticism of social network research is that it fails to take human agency into
account. Thus, there is a need to develop better insights into the crucial role of actors and
into how these actors behave in networks.
To address these limitations, we turn to a practice approach that focuses on what
people are actually saying and doing in daily interactions (Yanow, 2006). The ‘practice
turn’ in the social sciences (Organization Studies, 2009; Schatzki et al., 2001) addresses the
classic social theory question of the relation between social structures and agency in a
Gender in Academic Networking 461
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies
novel way through the study of the actual work practices of people in organizations
(Feldman and Orlikowski, 2011; Yanow, 2006). The adoption of practice approaches has
enabled organization scholars to more closely describe and understand organizational
phenomena as they unfold (Sandberg and Dall’Alba, 2009). The interest in practices has
not yet been taken up in organizational network research, but the conceptualization of
gender as a social practice has already gained some prominence in feminist organization
studies (Martin, 2003; Poggio, 2006).
The aim of this study is to develop a theoretical framework that combines a practice
approach and feminist constructionism to understand how networking practices perpetu-
ate or counter gender inequalities. This framework allows us to make two important
contributions to network studies. First, the notion of networking practices gives center
stage to agentic women and men who engage in micro-level activities that are conse-
quential in producing the structural contours of organizational life (Feldman and
Orlikowski, 2011). Their accounts of networking provide us with a more comprehensive
and accurate understanding of how networking practices routinely produce organi-
zational outcomes. Second, calling attention to gender in networking introduces a more
sophisticated notion of gender in organization network studies that conceptualizes
gender as a social practice, not as a variable. The notions of gender and networking as
social practices bring a new perspective in organization network research that allows
better insights into the networking activities of people (Benschop, 2009; Shaw, 2006), in
how their networking is gendered and how their gendered networking creates, reinforces,
or counters structural gender inequalities.
The context in which we study gender in networking is academic recruitment, more
specifically the recruitment of full professors. In earlier papers we have shown that
informal and formal networks of elite academics are essential in building a reputation of
excellence for professorial candidates (Van den Brink and Benschop, 2012b). This study
builds on that by focusing on the networking practices of those elite academics whom we
consider to be gatekeepers. The networking practices of gatekeepers play a crucial role
in granting access to the influential and desirable positions of full professors. We use
information from a qualitative study among gatekeepers, who are members of selection
committees of seven Dutch universities. The data contain detailed accounts of how
networking is a routine part of the recruitment of full professors. As privacy and confi-
dentiality issues prevented us from observing the networking practices as they unfold, our
analysis focuses on the accounts of networking practices. The accounts of networking
practices help us to identify how elites grant access to top positions through informal
relations and interactions and also how these gatekeepers legitimize their practices of
granting access to some and not to others. We analyse those accounts along three
research questions: (1) Which networking practices do gatekeepers use in professorial
recruitment? (2) How do gatekeepers practice gender in networking? (3) How do these
networking practices produce or counteract gender inequalities?
The paper is organized in five sections. We start with an elaboration of our theoretical
perspective on gender in networking practices. We then describe our qualitative meth-
odology, including the data collection and the analysis. In the third section, we present
the empirical material that shows how gatekeeping is used in professorial recruitment
and how gender is practiced in gatekeeping. We end the paper with a discussion and
M. van den Brink and Y. Benschop462
© 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd and Society for the Advancement of Management Studies

To continue reading

Request your trial

VLEX uses login cookies to provide you with a better browsing experience. If you click on 'Accept' or continue browsing this site we consider that you accept our cookie policy. ACCEPT