From the Bench. Repeal the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act to Restore Habeas Corpus

AuthorHon. Lynn Adelman
Pages6-10
From the Bench
Published in Litigation, Volume 47, Number 1, Fall 2020. © 2020 by the American Bar Association. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. This information or any portion thereof may not be
copied or disseminated in any form or by any means or stored in an electronic database or retrieval system without the express written consent of the American Bar Association. 6
HON. LYNN ADELMAN
The author is a federal district court judge in the Eastern District of Wisconsin.
At a time when criminal justice issues
such as mass incarceration are the sub-
ject of considerable public discussion, it is
noteworthy how little attention has been
paid to one of the great legal tragedies of
the modern era: the almost total eviscera-
tion by Congress and the Supreme Court
of the writ of habeas corpus.
Once known as the Great Writ or
the Great Writ of Liberty, habeas cor-
pus has been available since the Magna
Carta as a means by which prisoners can
challenge the legality of their custody.
The writ is explicitly recognized in the
Constitution, and in the Judiciary Act of
1789, Congress conferred habeas jurisdic-
tion on the newly created federal courts.
Then, in the Habeas Corpus Act of 1867,
the Reconstruction Congress extended the
benefits of the writ to former slaves and
others convicted in state courts, enabling
them to challenge the constitutionality of
their convictions in federal court. The de-
cisions of the Warren Court extending the
protections of the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth
Amendments to criminal defendants in
state courts made federal habeas corpus
an essential remedy for state prisoners.
This was so because many state officials,
including law enforcement officers and
judges, resisted implementing the rights
identified by the Supreme Court.
In 1996, however, led by Newt
Gingrich who was promoting the so-
called “Contract with America,” Congress
passed a bill known as the Antiterrorism
and Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA).
The bill had very little to do with either
terrorism or the death penalty. What the
bill did do was make it extremely difficult
for a federal court to grant habeas relief
to a state prisoner whose constitutional
rights had been violated. Sadly, over the
objection of civil libertarians and his own
counsel (former congressman and judge
Abner Mikva), President Clinton signed
the bill, seeking to present himself as be-
ing tough on crime.
AEDPA undermined habeas corpus in
several ways. First, it created numerous
procedural obstacles that state prison-
ers must navigate almost always with-
out counsel. Most habeas petitioners are
poorly educated, many are mentally ill,
and few are capable of effectively pre-
senting their claims. The procedural ob-
stacles created by AEDPA placed them
at an even greater disadvantage. Second,
AEDPA required federal courts to defer
to state court rulings that wrongly inter-
pret the U.S. Constitution as long as the
rulings, however erroneous, are not un-
reasonable. And the Supreme Court has
since made clear that very few state court
mistakes are sufficiently erroneous to
justify a federal court in treating them as
unreasonable. Thus, federal courts must
put their imprimatur on interpretations
of the Constitution that are just plain
wrong. Third, AEDPA barred federal dis-
trict courts from granting relief to prison-
ers based on precedents set by courts of
appeals or other district courts. Rather,
federal district courts may grant habeas
petitions only if the Supreme Court has
weighed in on the issue in a “clearly es-
tablished” determination, a vague and
not well-defined phrase. To make matters
worse, the Supreme Court has interpreted
AEDPA rigidly, almost uniformly rejecting
The Supreme Court
has interpreted
AEDPA r igid l y,
almost uniformly
rejecting prisoners’
claims.
REPEAL THE
ANTITERRORISM AND
EFFECTIVE DEATH
PENALTY ACT TO
RESTORE HABEAS
CORPUS

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