Framing in the Making

• Author: Tusty ten Bensel
• Published date: 01 March 2014
• Date: 01 March 2014
• DOI: http://doi.org/10.1177/1057567714524775
• Subject Matter: Articles

Article

Framing in the Making: The

Evolution of Sex Offender

Motivation in Sierra Leone

Tusty ten Bensel

1

Abstract

Previous research on sexual violence has focused on individual-level behaviors that typically include a

single victim in an isolated event. Criminologists have failed to examine sexual violence as a group-

level phenomenon, which is often exhibited during war. For this study, case study methodology was

used to analyze court transcripts from the United Nations, detailing the conflict of Sierra Leone. By

utilizing the framing perspective, the purpose of this study was to determine the nature of sexual

violence during war, focusing specifically on whether the evolution of sex offending motivations

changes overtime. A better understanding of how sex offending becomes a group behavior will

expand the current literature on collective and sexual violence, identify preconflict indicators of

collective sexual violence, and provide strategies for postconflict mediations in warring countries.

Keywords

South Africa, comparative crime/justice, criminal organizations/gangs, criminal victimization,

qualitative methods, sex crimes

Introduction

For decades, researchers have been trying to understand and explain the complexities of collec-

tive behaviors. At the most basic level, collective actions

1

(i.e., social movements, riots, crowd beha-

viors, terrorism, gang activity, rallies, revolutions, campaigns by interest groups, and even sporting

events) can be categorized into violent and nonviolent behaviors. Some behaviors are merely part of

a bonding custom or sporting leisure (i.e., gang activities, fraternities, and football), while other

activities are a result of grievances or concerns about fundamental rights, welfare, or simply a need

for change (Snow, Soule & Kriesi, 2004).

One of the principal forms or subsets of collective action is social movements that provide a

venue for expressing grievances and articulating concerns either through violent or nonviolent

actions (Buechler, 2004). A social movement can be defined as goal-oriented activities, with some

1

Department of Criminal Justice, University of Arkansas at Little Rock, AR, USA

Corresponding Author:

Tusty ten Bensel, Department of Criminal Justice, University of Arkansas at Little Rock, 2801 South University Ave,

Ross Hall #515, Little Rock, AR 72204, USA.

Email: ixzohra@ualr.edu

International CriminalJustice Review

2014, Vol. 24(1) 59-81

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DOI: 10.1177/1057567714524775

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degree of organization, carried out by at least two or more individuals outside of formal channels for

the ‘‘purpose of challenging or defending extant authority’’ (Snow et al., 2004, p. 11). Issues such as

poverty, world hunger, abortion, gender equality, gay and lesbian rights, immigration, governmental

intervention, and religious freedom are common challenges addressed through social movements or

other forms of collective behaviors.

Previous literature on collective violence has focused on various formations of activities such

as riots, protests, crowds, and even terrorism (Barkan & Snowden, 2008); however, this body of

literature has failed to examine the nature of sexual violence within a larger social movement. Sex

crimes during war have typically been discussed as a by-product of war, a natural-yet regrettable

behavior committed by rogue individuals (Brownmiller, 1994). In addition, it is discussed as a sta-

tic behavior in which offender motives remain constant. This is consistent with discussions of

criminal rape (as defined by U.S. criminal statutes) where rape occurs in isolated events, typically

with one victim and one or more offenders during a single event; however, social moveme nts

occur over extended periods of time and it is likely that offender motivations evolve as movement

goals evolve.

Therefore, this study focused on the nature of sexual violence in the 11-year war in Sierra Leone

between the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) and the Momoh government. During the 11-year

movement, over 50,000 men, women, and children civilians were killed, amputated, and/or tortured,

while millions were displaced from their homes (Human Rights Watch, 1999). In addition, an esti-

mated 200,000–260,000 women and children were exposed to some type of sexual victimization

(Reis, Amowitz, Hare, & Lacopino, 2002). Initially, the RUF’s primary movement goal was to over-

throw and take control of the government by liberating the people of Sierra Leone (Bellows &

Miguel, 2006; Human Rights Watch, 2003; Richards, 2005); however, greed, drug use, loss of

movement ideology, and lack of consistent leadership redirected their goals of democracy and non-

violent ideologies to aggressive campaigns against the civilian population (Abdullah, 1998). Sierra

Leone was selected for this case study due to the extended time frame of the RUF movement, which

allowed the examination of sexual violence offender motivations and how these motives may have

evolved due to political frames.

To guide this exploratory research, I specifically focused on the framing perspective within the

social movements’ literature. Based on previous research, it is noted Sierra Leone experienced var-

iations of movement mobilization due to the evolution of political frames advocated by RUF leaders.

Court transcripts from the United Nations were analyzed to document the changes in sex offender

motivation. The data consisted of rich, in-depth narratives from 171 witnesses, victims, and offen-

ders who retold their experiences during the war.

A number of studies have been conducted on sexual violence during war, primarily from the

fields of psychology, psychiatry, political science, and women studies (Baaz & Stern, 2009; Cohen,

2010; Farr, 2009; Leiby, 2009; Wood, 2006, 2008, 2009). More recently, sexual violence committed

by multiple perpetrators during war has become a salient topic among researchers in various disci-

plines (see Wood, 2013, for detailed discussion). The current study adds to this body of literature by

focusing specifically on collective sexual violence in Sierra Leone and how sexual violence moved

beyond sporadic behaviors committed by rogue individuals to collective sexual violence committed

by multiple perpetrators. Guided by previous works (Cohen, 2013; Wood, 2006), collective sexual

violence is defined as any sexual activity such as rape, mutilation, torture, or touching of private

body parts without the consent of the victim by an individual or a group of individuals driven by

social movement goals.

The findings from this study can have numerous policy implications. Although traditional crim-

inal rape will be difficult to prevent regardless of political stability, it is the collective nature of sex-

ual violence that amplifies the prevalence, intensity, frequency, and duration of the assaults and the

consequences for victims. Thus, the findings of this study will help provide domestic and

60 International Criminal Justice Review 24(1)