“Four Bright Coins Shining at Me”: Financial Education in Childhood, Financial Confidence in Adulthood

Published date01 June 2019
AuthorDario Sansone,Mariacristina Rossi,Elsa Fornero
Date01 June 2019
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/joca.12207
630 THE JOURNAL OF CONSUMER AFFAIRS
DARIO SANSONE , MARIACRISTINA ROSSI, AND
ELSA FORNERO
“Four Bright Coins Shining at Me”: Financial Education
in Childhood, Financial Condence in Adulthood
Weanalyze the relation between receiving an allowance (pocket money)
in childhood and nancial condence in adulthood. We measure this
condence using self-reported nancial knowledge. Our empirical
exercise is based on informationprovided by a Dutch survey carried out
in 2015. Wecompute our estimates by controlling for parental attitudes
and by using a “within-family” xed effect model. The results arerobust
and suggest a long-lasting effect of pocket money as an easily imple-
mentable and informal educational vehicle to help children acquire
basic nancial concepts and develop good habits, such as budgeting.
The role of nancial literacy in enhancing people’s capabilities to effec-
tively manage their income and wealth in a life-cycle perspective has long
been recognized, at both theoretical and empirical level. Policy recommen-
dations have identied in nancial education programs a major instrument
to help people save for their retirement, avoid taking up “too much” debt,
make imprudent mortgage decisions or suffer the negativeconsequences of
myopic nancial decisions. Although the effectiveness of these programs
is yet to be rmly established, the general principle that nancial education
can be seen as a necessary tool—though certainly not a sufcient one—to
create a less unequal playing eld in the economic sphere is well recog-
nized. Despite this, researchers have found low levels of nancial literacy,
even among young adults (Lusardi, Mitchell, and Curto 2010).
There are, of course, various ways to help people acquire basic nan-
cial elements (nancial literacy) and possibly to build further knowledge
on these elements: from formal/compulsory programs in schools, to infor-
mal/voluntary courses specically addressed to segments of the population
Dario Sansone (ds1289@georgetown.edu) is in the Department of Economics at Georgetown
University,Mariacristina Rossi (mariacristina.rossi@unito.it) and Elsa Fornero (elsa.fornero@unito.it)
are with CeRP CCA Netspar, University of Turin.We are grateful to the editor, Sharon Tennyson,two
anonymousreferees, as well as the participants to the 2017 Netspar International Pension Workshop and
to the 2017 Cherry Blossom Financial Education Institute for their helpful comments and suggestions.
We also wish to thank the EU MOPACT Grant no. 320333 for funding. In this paper use is made of
data of the DNB Household Survey.
The Journal of Consumer Affairs, Summer 2019: 630–651
DOI: 10.1111/joca.12207
Copyright 2018 by The American Council on Consumer Interests
SUMMER 2019 VOLUME 53, NUMBER 2 631
considered to be “more at risk” of poor nancial decisions. Parents can
also contribute to improve their offspring’s nancial knowledge by pro-
viding children with some basic nancial concepts and the opportunity to
learn, as well as by involving them in youth nancial literacy programs
(Van Campenhout 2015).
How do children build up their attitudes toward money and saving?
Are parents responsible for transferring good savings habits by nudging
children toward helpful nancial habits? Mandell (2008) highlights the
pivotal role of parents as a key source of nancial information for students
at high school, nding a strong and monotonic relationship between
nancial literacy scores and parental education. For low and middle income
households, the link between parental habits and saving attitudes is even
more important (Grinstein-Weiss et al. 2011): Americans who had been
exposed to high levels of money-management teaching in childhood by
their parents show higher credit scores and lower credit card debts as adults.
Interestingly, parental socialization—that is, having parents who taught
how to budget and encouraged saving—seems to be as important as nan-
cial knowledge in determining nancial planning (Jorgensen and Savla
2010). Serido et al. (2010) also nd that explicit parent–child socializa-
tion helps to develop sound nancial behavior more than parental social
status. Grohmann, Kouwenberg, and Menkhoff (2015) provide a general
framework to link childhood experiences within family, school, and work
to nancial literacy, numeracy, and nancial behavior. In line with the
previous studies, they also nd that nancial socialization by parents is
positively related to nancial literacy.
In this paper, we look at one possible way to help children to acquire
a basic familiarity with decisions involving money, i.e., the practice
of “pocket money.” More specically, we test whether the children’s
habit of managing a little money—received more or less regularly by
parents/grandparents—is related to the achievement of a greater ability to
cope with nancial matters later on in life. The basic idea is that the habit of
properly managing some pocket money could generate a familiarity with
“good” lifelong nancial practices, such as budgeting.
Using Dutch data, we provide sound evidence of a positive rela-
tion between receiving an allowance during childhood and the level of
(self-assessed) nancial knowledge as adult: individuals who are used to
receive an allowance are also more knowledgeable in adulthood. We also
provide evidence that receiving an allowance in childhood is associated
with a better understanding of ination.
This eld of research is quite novel, as the previous literature has con-
centrated on the effects of (well-structured) nancial education programs

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