Firm‐level political capabilities and subsequent financial performance

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1002/pa.1592
AuthorRichard S. Brown
Date01 August 2016
Published date01 August 2016
Academic Paper
Firm-level political capabilities and
subsequent nancial performance
Richard S. Brown*
Department of Management, Pennsylvania State University, Middletown, Pennsylvania, USA
While there is a robust literature on corporate political activity, scholars have not adequately framed these activities as
being part of a strategy to garner political capabilities. In this paper, we incorporate political capabilities and argue
that those rms that more intensely commit resources to political activities have associated subsequent performance
benets. In a sample of 87 Fortune 500 rms from 2005 to 2011, we nd that both political action committee and lob-
bying intensity were associated with higher return on invested capital and return on assets after controlling for other
factors. Additionally, we nd support that the cumulative effect of political action committee and lobbying intensity
on performance is also signicant. Finally, we moderate the main effects with industry concentration and nd that
returns are greater in more consolidated industries. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
INTRODUCTION
A major tenet in the management literature revolves
around the attainment of competitive advantage in
a population of heterogeneous rms. The dominant
theoretical lens for such a posture is the resource-based
view (RBV) of the rm, made notable by Penrose
(1959), Wernerfelt (1984), Barney (1991), and Peteraf
(1993). Accor ding to th e RB V, organiz atio ns th at
possess idiosyn cratic strategi c resources are pre-
dicted to earn a competitive advantage vis-à-vis
rivals. This adva ntage has been asso ciated with
superior performance, as rms that out-compete
rivals have the ability for rent extraction in imper-
fectly competitive markets (Makadok, 2001). Recent
scholarship has proposed and tested relationships
between a number of specic capabilities and subse-
quent performance.These include marketing capabil-
ities (Ritter, 2006), technological capabilities (Kotha
et al., 2011), and alliance formation capabilities
(Rothaermel & Deeds, 2004).
The bases for the aforementioned capability types
lie in competition in the marketplace through
superior resources and routines that disallow rivals
from extracting rents. Another space where rms
may compete is in the non-market (Baron, 1995), a
term most commonly used to denote the public pol-
icy arena (Boddewyn, 2003). Therefore, if rms can
establish a capability for market actions, logic
would also dictate that they can establish one for
non-market actions. This is herein referred to as a
political capability, a concept that has been fairly
neglected in both the literature on corporate political
activity (CPA) and the literature on capability types.
This papers main contribution is in theoretically
integrating these two concepts while also empiri-
cally testing the capabilityperformance relation-
ship found so prevalently in the RBV literature
(Newbert, 2007).
Many CPA scholars havefocused on the character-
istics of rms that employthese types of activities, as
well as their immediate industry surroundings. For
example, scholarshave found that rm size (Hillman,
Zardkoohi, & Bierman, 1999), the prevalence of
blockholders (Hadani, 2012), the levels of sales to
the government (Hart, 2001), industry concentration
(Grier et al., 1991), regulatory intensity (Stigler, 1971),
foreign status (Kostyaev,2012), and ownership disper-
sion (Ozer & Alakent, 2013) all have a relationship
with a rms propensity to be politically engaged.
*Correspondence to: RichardS. Brown,Departmentof Management,
Pennsylvania State University, 777W. Harrisburg Pike, Middletown,
PA 17057, USA.
E-mail: rsb24@psu.edu
Journal of Public Affairs
Volume 16 Number 3 pp 303313 (2016)
Published online 16 December 2015 in Wiley Online Library
(www.wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/pa.1592
Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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