Finding Feminism through Faith: Casa Yela, Popular Feminism, and the Women-Church Movement in Chile

AuthorHillary Hiner
Date01 September 2021
DOI10.1177/0094582X211013009
Published date01 September 2021
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X211013009
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 240, Vol. 48 No. 5, September 2021, 59–74
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X211013009
© 2021 Latin American Perspectives
59
Finding Feminism through Faith
Casa Yela, Popular Feminism, and the Women-Church
Movement in Chile
by
Hillary Hiner
Among the popular feminist projects of the dictatorship period in Chile was the Yela
group in Talca, made up of pobladoras (women shantytown residents) and two Maryknoll
sisters. Of particular interest is the manner in which this group’s popular feminism and
antiviolence work during the 1980s was shaped by the women-church movement and
feminist theology related to patriarchy, violence against women, and women’s collective
resistance strategies. Over the long term, religious elements were gradually excluded from
Casa Yela’s antiviolence work in favor of more secular feminist interpretations.
Entre los proyectos feministas populares durante la época de la dictadura en Chile se
encuentra la presencia del grupo Yela de Talca, formado por pobladoras (mujeres residentes
de poblaciones) y dos hermanas Maryknoll. De particular interés es la forma en que el
feminismo popular y antiviolencia de este grupo durante la década de 1980 se moldeó a
partir del movimiento mujer-iglesia y la teología feminista relacionada con el patriarcado,
la violencia contra las mujeres y las estrategias de resistencia colectiva de mujeres. A largo
plazo, los elementos religiosos fueron gradualmente excluidos del trabajo antiviolencia de
Casa Yela en favor de interpretaciones feministas más seculares.
Keywords: Popular feminism, Pobladoras, Gender violence, Feminist theology
The year 2018 was a watershed in Chile for a number of reasons. On the one
hand, there were the massive feminist student protests termed the “feminist May”
or the “feminist tsunami” that swept over the majority of Chilean universities. On
the other hand, after Pope Francis received a lackluster reception in Santiago in
January 2018, the media began to link well-publicized child-sex-abuse scandals in
the Catholic Church to the Chilean Church’s rapid decline. What these two 2018
developments share is intertwined histories of gender and sexual violence, insti-
tutional and societal silencing, and increased distancing from the Church. In
recent decades the Chilean feminist movement has highlighted the importance of
Hillary Carroll Hiner is a feminist historian, an associate professor at the Universidad Diego
Portales in Santiago, Chile, and the author of Violencia de género, pobladoras y feminismo popular:
Casa Yela, Talca, 1964–2010 (2019). She thanks the Yela women and, especially, Elena Valenzuela
and Leonarda Gutiérrez for their compromiso and enthusiasm in working with her on this project
and the editors of this issue, Nathalie Lebon and Janet Conway, for their insightful comments and
suggestions. Finally, in this time of uncertainty and difficulty due to COVID-19, she also thanks
her family, especially her mother and sister, for their support and help, especially with regard to
child care for her daughter.
1013009LAPXXX10.1177/0094582X211013009Latin American PerspectivesHiner / Finding Feminism Through Faith
research-article2021
60 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
secularism and the effective separation of church and state. Interestingly, the fem-
inist groups that are most likely to reference spirituality are Afro-Chilean and
indigenous women’s groups that employ the popular religiosity of syncretic faiths
or the deities and beliefs that belong to the African diaspora and to particular local
indigenous groups, of which Chile has many.1
The formation in the 1980s of the Yela group in Talca—the group that later
founded one of the first battered-women’s shelters in Chile, Casa Yela—is inter-
esting in this context. Talca is located in the fertile Central Valley about three
and a half hours south of Santiago by car and according to the 1982 Chilean
census had 128,544 habitants (by 2017 this had risen to 220,357). Most Yela
women had become politicized through land occupations and local organizing
in the 1970s. Organizing related to survival during the 1980s also took place
through work with two Maryknoll sisters in faith-based activities such as pre-
paring children for communion, feeding the community (ollas comunes), and
helping the elderly. From there, following new tendencies in feminist theology
and the women-church movement, the sisters and the Yela women began to
work on violence against women in their community from a faith-based per-
spective.
In Latin America there is a long history of linkages between popular educa-
tion and popular religiosity, but in the case of the Yela group it was feminist
theology and not liberation theology that was more influential. As the years
passed, the Yela group became more secularly feminist in orientation, but dur-
ing the 1980s struggles against gender violence involved a potent mix of popu-
lar feminism and popular Catholic religiosity. This intriguing and complex
phenomenon should be studied more closely now that fundamentalist Neo-
Pentecostal evangelical churches and far-right political parties have virtually
monopolized discussions of faith, the spiritual, and Christian values in current
Latin American political discourse.
The Theory and PracTice of PoPular feminism in chile
Maria Stella Toro’s work as both a feminist historian and a member of the
popular feminist groups ReSueltas Feministas Populares and Educación Popular
en Salud is important for our understanding of popular feminist praxis and the-
ory in that it continually crosses the activist/academic divide and reminds us of
the importance of popular feminists in the construction of methodology and
theory relevant to Chilean and Latin American feminist history (Calvin and Toro,
2003; Toro, 1997; 2018a; 2018b): “The sexist, racist, and classist society in which
we live has established hierarchies in our ways of knowing, validating certain
knowledge over others and validating certain subjects over others as fonts of
knowledge. Feminism—particularly, feminist popular education—breaks down
these barriers, since it is based on the premise that we all have knowledge” (Toro,
2018b).2 The Argentine popular feminist Claudia Korol (2016: 16) defines popular
feminism as follows: “Popular feminisms try to understand how to take apart the
violence of colonial and patriarchal capitalism. . . . These are feminisms that do
and defend, that care for and criticize, that are part of but also question socialist
and antipatriarchal revolutions.”3

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