Filling the Amendment Tree: Majority Party Control, Procedures, and Polarization in the U.S. Senate

DOI10.1177/1532673X17744173
Date01 July 2018
AuthorNeilan S. Chaturvedi
Published date01 July 2018
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X17744173
American Politics Research
2018, Vol. 46(4) 724 –747
© The Author(s) 2017
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DOI: 10.1177/1532673X17744173
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Article
Filling the Amendment
Tree: Majority Party
Control, Procedures,
and Polarization in the
U.S. Senate
Neilan S. Chaturvedi1
Abstract
Harry Reid is often lauded by fellow Democrats as one of the most powerful
Senate Majority leaders in modern history. One tactic that he used to
usher in legislation was a parliamentary procedure known as “Filling the
Amendment Tree.” Amendment trees are diagrams that demonstrate the
amendment process for legislation, but Reid often limited the number
of amendments that could be offered on a piece of legislation using this
procedure. From the majority’s perspective, this procedure helps usher
in legislation and protects vulnerable moderates from having to vote on
controversial legislation. Still, others argue that the restrictive procedure
limited the ability of moderate Democrats to distinguish themselves from
their party leadership, making them vulnerable to attacks. In this article, I
find that filling the amendment tree did not limit moderate Democrats from
proposing amendments. In fact, although moderate Republicans shied away
from the process of filing amendments in protest, there was no statistical
relationship between ideology and the number of amendments filed for
Democrats. Still, upon examination of voting data, the use of the procedure
homogenized the voting records of moderate Democrats in the 112th and
113th Congresses. Furthermore, it forced moderate Republicans to vote
1California State Polytechnic University, Pomona, CA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Neilan S. Chaturvedi, Assistant Professor of Political Science, California State Polytechnic
University, Pomona, 3801 W. Temple Ave, Pomona, CA 91768, USA.
Email: nschaturvedi@cpp.edu
744173APRXXX10.1177/1532673X17744173American Politics ResearchChaturvedi
research-article2017
Chaturvedi 725
more often with the Democrats in each of the Congresses in which Reid
employed the procedure.
Keywords
Congress, Senate, parliamentary procedures, filling the amendment tree,
Harry Reid
The Senate is often referred to as “the world’s greatest deliberative body.” That
is a phrase that I wince at each time I hear it, because the amount of real
deliberation, in terms of exchange of ideas, is so limited.
—Senator Jeff Merkley (D-OR) (Packer, 2010).
Senator Merkley’s objection to the often-used description of the U.S.
Senate as the greatest deliberative body is descriptive of the general state of
the Senate today. Plagued with increased polarization and partisan maneuver-
ing, the modern Senate has struggled with the legislative process. Indeed,
ideologically, the Senate players have moved to their respective poles leaving
few moderates willing to cross party lines (Bond, Fleisher, & Stonecash,
2009; Mayhew, 2005; McCarty, Poole, & Rosenthal, 2006; Sinclair, 2006;
Theriault, 2008). Still, Lee (2009) finds that the process is increasingly parti-
san, as each caucus maintains homogeneity on voting in the modern era.
Regardless of the nature of division, the Senate has transformed from an
individualistic body known for deliberation and moderation to one of divi-
sion and obstruction. In their book on agenda control, Den Hartog and
Monroe (2011) paint the picture of an adversarial Senate in which the major-
ity party has considerable strategic advantages over the minority party. As
Smith (2007) notes, the increase in division has led to a more party and lead-
ership-centric chamber in which members of both the majority and minority
coalesce around the leadership. Indeed, members of the minority party have
often formed a monolithic bloc in opposition of the majority party. Even
presidents focus their attention mainly on party leaders rather than pivotal
voters (Beckmann, 2009). Perhaps, the most well-known method of obstruc-
tion is the filibuster, in which a minority of 41 senators can delay or obstruct
voting on legislation indefinitely (see Koger, 2010; Wawro & Schickler,
2007). Indeed, as Koger (2010) finds in his book, the number of filibusters
used in the Senate has steadily increased since the 1960s. Another method of
obstruction is the proposal of amendments, an unregulated aspect of lawmak-
ing when compared with the United States House of Representatives. Unlike

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