Feminist criminology in an era of misogyny†

Published date01 August 2020
Date01 August 2020
AuthorMeda Chesney‐Lind
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9125.12247
Received: 24 March 2020 Accepted: 24 March 2020
DOI: 10.1111/1745-9125.12247
2019 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS TO THE
AMERICAN SOCIETY OF CRIMINOLOGY
Feminist criminology in an era of misogyny*
Meda Chesney-Lind
University of Hawaiiat Manoa
Correspondence
MedaChesney-Lind, 934 Kealaolu Avenue,
Honolulu,HI 96816.
Email:meda@hawaii.edu.
Thisaddress was delivered at the 2019 annual
meetingof the Amer ican Society of Criminol-
ogyin San Francisco, California, on Novem-
ber13, 2019. It has been adapted here for
publication.
Abstract
In this address I make the case for continuing to focus crim-
inological research on gender, sexism, and racism within
our lives and within our profession. I also provide a brief
case study of a topic many would feel fallswell outside our
field: reproductive rights. Data are reviewed to reveal the
impact of gender on the lives of women—notablythe deval-
uation of work done by women, particularly if the work is
deemed feminist. Afterward, recent data on the persistence
of both sexism and racism in our field are reviewed.Despite
gains made by women (notably in the membership of the
field), the highest positions in our professional association
are held by men, particularly by White men. Data on the
importance of reproductive rights to women are then con-
sidered, notably the fact that nearly one third of women
will need abortion services by the time they reach mid-
dle age. Finally, I review recent efforts by conservatives to
recriminalize abortion, specifically through the passage of
laws making abortion difficult to arrange, or even outlaw-
ing the provision of abortion services. These efforts directly
involvethe cr iminal justices ystemin the cr iminalization of
women’s bodies.
KEYWORDS
feminism, reproductive justice, sexism and racism in criminology
Context matters in research and helps scholars, particularly those interested in what has come to be
known as “public” criminology determine their intellectual agenda (Currie, 2007; Uggen & Inderbitzin,
2010). Critical scholars, particularly in the United States, face a daunting set of challengesin t he current
political climate, and this is particularly true of those seeking to do work on feminist issues. Rightwing
Criminology. 2020;58:407–422. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/crim © 2020 American Society of Criminology 407
408 CHESNEY-LIND
politics, particularly racism and sexism, played a key role in Donald Trump’s last election, not the
politics of inequality as some initially speculated (Schaffner, MacWilliams,& Nteta, 2017). Moreover,
as I will suggest in this address, many of the most consequential initiatives coming out of the current
administration (and conservative state governments), revolve around dramatic efforts to curb women’s
access to reproductive rights. These initiatives, many focused on recriminalization of abortion, along
with the aggressive naming of conservative judges to the federal bench, has directly implicated the
criminal justice system in the oppression of girls and women (Wonders& Danner, 2020). Consideration
of the role of that system in the enforcement of female subservience to male, patriarchal privilege
should be front and center a feminist intersectional criminological research agenda.
Of course, at the midterm election, many women won and the Democrats took control of the U.S.
House of Representatives (Salam, 2018), so documentation to resistance to these initiatives is also
important, and there will be a brief consideration of them in this address as well. That said, it is clear
that, going forward, one of the major political parties in the United States seems to have embraced
a strategy of directly appealing to racism and sexism of White voters to win elections, which will
certainly alter the patterns, particularly around race, that characterized the twentieth century. The cal-
culus goes as follows. In the current political climate, Republicans are unlikely to garner much support
among racial and ethnic minorities, and Trump’s long, public history of sexism and sexual assault
(Graham, 2017) is both widely acknowledged and not seen by his core voters as disqualifying for
the presidency. Direct appeals to racism and sexism may well, it seems, become a routine feature
of U.S. politics in ways unimaginable since the defeat of segregation and the rise of the civil rights
movement.
Nor is the United States alone in experiencing these trends. Many nations in the global North, in par-
ticular, have seen the rise of an unapologetic rightwing (often nativist) populism, which seems to have
emerged in response to a set of transnational political factors, including immigration and globalization.
Another key, but sometimes overlooked, aspect of these emerging rightwing movements globally has
been the same direct appeal to White male dominance and an implicit endorsement of misogynistic
attitudes particularly regarding women’s rights and the policing of women’s sexuality (Jacobs, 2018;
Vieten, 2016).
1STEPPING BACK, SEXISM, AND POLITICAL ACTIVISM
When I was in college, there were two powerful forces in my life, my academic life and my life as a
political activist. As a result, in the years that havefollowed, I have also alwaysregarded my scholarship
as a form of feminist activism. This, it turns out, has long been a feature of feminist scholarship. Joey
Sprague contended that feminist research is characterized by two features.First, “gender in interaction
with many other areas like race/ethnicity, class, ability, and nation is a key organizer of social life
(Sprague, 2005, p. 3). Second, “understanding how things work is not enough—we need to take action
to make the social world more equitable” (p. 3).
The focus on gender and social justice has emerged as a key goal for me in all my work. Certainly,
much of this is a product of the fact that when I was in college, there was no shortage of these problems
(particularly revolving around civil rights and women’s rights). Since we find ourselves in another era
of repression, maybe reviewing that earlier context might give us some insights into how to act in
today’s intellectual and political environment.
When I was graduating from college, women were effectively barred from applying to medical
school or law school. In those years, women accounted for 7 percent of law school admissions and
a whopping 9 percent of medical school admissions (Ott, 1976, pp. 3–10). No woman could apply to

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