Female leaders and gender gaps within the firm: Evidence from three Sub‐Saharan African countries

AuthorGiulia La Mattina,Gabriel Picone,Alban Ahoure,Jose Carlos Kimou
Date01 November 2018
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/rode.12403
Published date01 November 2018
SPECIAL ISSUE ARTICLE
Female leaders and gender gaps within the firm:
Evidence from three Sub-Saharan African countries
Giulia La Mattina
1
|
Gabriel Picone
1
|
Alban Ahoure
2
|
Jose Carlos Kimou
2
1
University of South Florida, Tampa,
Florida
2
Universit
eF
elix Houphou
et-Boigny de
Cocody, Abidjan, C^
ote dIvoire
Correspondence
Giulia La Mattina, Department of
Economics, University of South Florida,
4202 E. Fowler Avenue, Tampa, FL
33620.
Email: glamattina@usf.edu
Funding Information
This project was funded by
UNU-WIDER.
Abstract
We study the association between the gender of the high-
est-ranking manager (the CEO) and gender differences in
employeesoutcomes using detailed linked employerem-
ployee data from the formal sector in Cameroon, C^
ote
dIvoire, and Senegal. Our empirical strategy relies on the
inclusion of firm fixed effects and workerscharacteris-
tics. Our results point toward a negative correlation
between female CEOs and the relative wages and job sat-
isfaction of female employees. However, female employ-
ees working under a female CEO who owns the firm are
not paid less than their male colleagues.
1
|
INTRODUCTION
Although womens education and labor force participation have increased globally in recent dec-
ades, there are still differences in womens earnings vs. men. In Sub-Saharan African countries,
women earn between 6 and 30 percent less than men, even though womens labor force participa-
tion rate is above 60 percent (
~
Nopo, Daza, & Ramos, 2011; World Bank, 2012). Gender differ-
ences in the labor market may extend beyond earnings to other dimensions, including job
satisfaction and opportunities for promotion (Clark, 1997; Kunze & Miller, 2014). Underst anding
the sources of gender differences in the labor market is necessary to improve womens access to
income, which has been linked to childrens outcomes (Duflo, 2000; Lundberg, Pollak, & Wales,
1997; Thomas, 1990).
This paper examines gender differences in wages, hours, and job satisfaction using linked
employeremployee data from three French-speaking countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. We focus
on the formal sector, where more than half of the workers have at least completed secondary
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This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial License, which permits use, distribution
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©2018 UNU-WIDER. Review of Development Economics published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd
DOI: 10.1111/rode.12403
1432
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wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/rode Rev Dev Econ. 2018;22:14321460.
education, and women make up about 30 percent of the labor force. Since women who work in
the formal sector are likely positively selected, we expect a smaller earnings gap than in the infor-
mal sector (Arbache, Filipiak, & Kolev, 2010). Indeed, we observe that on average women work
fewer hours and earn lower monthly income than men, but women and men receive similar wages
(Table 2). Additionally, female employees are more satisfied with their job and salary than men.
1
However, the observed unconditional gender parity in wages may mask differences in the relative
performance of male and female employees across firms.
We posit that role models and mentors may be a factor affecting womens progress in the labor
market and test whether the gender of the highest-ranking manager (chief executive officer or
CEO) is correlated with gender gaps within the firm.
2
The expected impact of female managers on
the performance of subordinated female workers is a priori ambiguous. On the one hand, if women
discriminated less against female workers or were more willing to mentor female employees,
female managers could help to reduce gender gaps (Aigner & Cain, 1977; Athey, Avery, & Zem-
sky, 2000). Female role models and mentors may be especially important in developing countries,
where gender inequalities are pronounced and discriminatory gender norms are still common.
3
On
the other hand, female managers may act as queen beesand harm the careers of their female
employees (Staines, Tavris, & Jayaratne, 1974).
The linked employeremployee survey used in this study provides detailed information on
workers, CEOs, and firmscharacteristics, which allows us to study the impact of the CEOs gen-
der beyond the wage gap and look at gender differences in hours worked, earnings, and job satis-
faction. Our empirical strategy rests on estimating the association between the CEOs gender and
gender gaps within the firm by controlling for several characteristics of the firm and the employee
to reduce omitted variable bias. In some specifications, we include firm fixed effects in the regres-
sion to hold constant unobservable firm characteristics that may affect both the gender of the CEO
and the labor outcomes of female employees.
The results are heterogeneous across countries, but overall point toward a small negati ve associ-
ation between female CEOs and the relative outcomes of female employees. Female CEOs are
associated with a larger gender gap in wages, job satisfaction, and salary satisfaction, and a smaller
gender gap in hours worked. These results are robust to the inclusion of firm fixed effects and to
the exclusion of firms in which the CEO has been in his/her position for less than 2 years, which
helps to reduce concerns about reverse causality. All in all, the results provide support for the
queen beesyndrome. However, when we look at the interaction between working under a female
CEO and an indicator for the CEO being the owner of the firm, we find that the results are more
nuanced. In the pooled sample, female employees working under female CEOs who own the firm
are not paid less than their male colleagues. We speculate that when female CEOs do not have
enough power within the firm, they may not be able to improve the relative performance of female
employees.
Our paper contributes to the understanding of gender differences in the labor market of Camer-
oon, C^
ote dIvoire, and Senegal. The three countries are heterogeneous in terms of recent eco-
nomic performance, female education and labor force participation, but they all have relatively low
gender equality compared with other countries in Africa (African Development Bank Group,
2015).
4
Quantitative research on the formal sector in Sub-Saharan Africa is scant, possibly
because the formal sector is limited and provides work opportunities to a small fraction of the pop-
ulation (International Monetary Fund, 2017). Qualitative research is consistent with our results: For
instance, Ngo Essounga (2016) argues that female managers in large corporations in Cameroon are
not more likely to promote women than male managers. We start filling the vacuum in quantitative
LA MATTINA ET AL.
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