Father–son relationships in Israeli military families from the perspective of adult sons

Published date01 October 2022
AuthorYael Doft,Chaya Possick
Date01 October 2022
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/fare.12693
RESEARCH
Fatherson relationships in Israeli military families
from the perspective of adult sons
Yael Doft|Chaya Possick
School of Social Work, Ariel University, Ariel,
Israel
Correspondence
Chaya Possick, School of Social Work, Ariel
University, P.O.B. 3, Ariel, Israel.
Email: chayapossick@gmail.com
Abstract
Objective: This research examines the experience of
fatherson relationships from the perspective of Israeli
men whose fathers served as career combat officers.
Background: Military families in general, and children in
particular, face unique challenges in dealing with conflicting
demands of two greedy institutions,military and family.
Method: This study is an interpretative phenomenological
analysis of in-depth interviews with 12 Israeli men, aged
25 to 49years, who were sons of combat officers who
served at least 15 years in the Israeli military.
Results: Five themes were identified through the mens
responses: (a) father as idealized figure, (b) rationalizing
fathers distant stance, (c) absence of fear for fathers
safety, (d) role reversal: taking responsibility for the
fatherson relationship, (3) shifts in the relationship after
fathers retirement from the military.
Conclusion: The unique life experience of military children as
expressed in our findings is presented through the lens of
Bozormenyi-Nagys (1987) contextual theory of the family.
Participants exhibited invisible loyaltiescomplex, often
contradictory feelings toward the father and his military
career. Some strived to establish relationships very different
from the one they had with their father but had difficulty
doing so. Others voiced a balanced assessment of the benefits
and priceof being a military child and proceeded to develop
relationships without being burdened by the military legacy.
Implications: This work provides insight for the provision of
group activities sponsored by the military for fathers and
sons and for those who offer counseling services for young
adult military children even after the fathers retirement.
The past several decades have seen a growing body of knowledge about the significance of the
fatherson relationship and the tensions in the lives of military families. The current qualitative
study focuses on the intersection of these two domains: It demonstrates the nature and meaning
Received: 15 February 2021Revised: 17 September 2021Accepted: 23 January 2022
DOI: 10.1111/fare.12693
© 2022 National Council on Family Relations.
1538 Family Relations. 2022;71:15381553.wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/fare
of the fathers presence in his sons life as experienced in the unique context of the experiences
of sons of career officers in the Israeli army. The study is based on in-depth interviews with
12 men aged 25 to 49 years who are sons of men who served at least 15 years as combat military
officers in the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF).
THE CONTEXT: THE INTERSECTION OF MILITARY LIFE AND
FAMILY LIFE IN ISRAEL
In contrast to military organizations in other countries, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) are
considered the peoples army,and 2 to 3 years of military service is mandatory for men and
women. Until recently, in line with gender norms, Israeli women have been relegated to admin-
istrative and supportive roles in the military. In the past decade, women may elect to serve in
combat positions, but only a small minority choose this route. The military in Israel is afforded
special status in Israeli society above and beyond other institutions, such as the police, the judi-
ciary system, the government and Parliament (Eran-Jona, 2011).
The military is a demanding organization that directs the time, as well as physical and
emotional energy resources, of those who serve by controlling many aspects of their lives. This
includes areas such as occupation, education, rank, work location, degree of risk exposure,
dress, leisure activities, and vacation (Eran-Jona, 2011). Both the military and the family have
been termed greedy institutionsthat compete for the commitment, loyalty, time, and energy
of their members (Segal-Wechsler, 1986; Vuga & Juvan, 2013). Israel is a society that is child-
and family-centered (Lavee & Katz, 2003); however, the heavy demands of the military influ-
ence the construction, formation, and maintenance of the family. In Israel, the military has a
clear expectation that career officers, who have roles as the head of the family,the fighter,
and the wage earner, be released from the household and childrearing responsibilities to
devote himself completely to his military role (Eran-Jona, 2011). It has been suggested that
the conflict between military and family demands may be especially intense in Israel because
of the high value that Israeli society places on both these institutions (Dekel et al., 2016).
Men who serve as combat officers represent the hegemonic male image in the Western world
in general (Moelker et al., 2019) and in Jewish Israeli society in particular (Eran-Jona, 2011).
Male hegemony is a societal structure in which culturally determined male traits are idealized,
explaining how and why men maintain high status and dominance over women and other
groups considered to be feminine. Masculine traits include strength, courage, independence,
assertiveness (including physical action and risk taking), control, and an overemphasis on
power, often associated with aggression and a disregard for consequences and responsibility
(Connell, 2009). The military fighter ethos along with the experience of military service by the
vast majority of Jewish Israeli men creates an inextricable bond that links being male, Israeli,
and a soldier and reinforces the hegemonic model of maleness not only in the military but in
Israeli society as a whole. This in turn reinforces traditional gender roles in the family (Sasson-
Levy, 2006).
In recent decades, Israel has transitioned from a societythatis collectively organized around
the military to a civilian society in which emphasis is placed on individual values and goals (Levy
et al., 2007). During thissame period, the rise of feminism engendered changes in traditional gen-
der roles. These two trends have intensified the tension between family and military life and
between the image of the male partner/parent and the male combat fighter (Eran-Jona,2011).
The new masculinity,which is less aggressive, achievement-oriented, and competitive, and the
sensitive, new man who takes a more active role in the home and the family is granted greater
social legitimacy than in the past (Craig, 2006). Men in the military are situated within an organi-
zation that glorifies the hegemonic model of masculinity that limits their ability to be active and
involved parents and egalitarian partners (Eran-Jona, 2015.
FATHERSON RELATIONSHIPS IN ISRAELI MILITARY FAMILIES1539

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