Fast-track Redevelopment and Slow-track Regularization: The Uneven Geographies of Spatial Regulation in Mexico City

AuthorJill Wigle
Published date01 November 2020
Date01 November 2020
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X19898199
Subject MatterArticles
56
https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X19898199
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 235, Vol. 47 No. 6, November 2020, 56–76
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X19898199
© 2020 Latin American Perspectives
Fast-track Redevelopment and Slow-track Regularization
The Uneven Geographies of Spatial Regulation
in Mexico City
by
Jill Wigle
Some of the increasingly evident contradictions between spatial planning and social
policy in Mexico City are apparent in the way land use regulation folds into and articu-
lates with exclusion and marginality. In downtown areas, regulatory approvals and vari-
ous planning measures have facilitated the escalation of land and housing prices and more
exclusionary forms of urban development. At the periphery, land use regulation now
conditions access to urban services, property titles, and even some social programs for
settlement areas designated as “informal.” Comparing the state’s role in planning at these
distinct sites uncovers a pattern of selective and uneven spatial regulation in different
socioeconomic territories of the city, characterized by “fast-track” development approvals
in downtown areas and “slow-track” regularization of settlements in peripheral areas. The
analysis suggests how this pattern of uneven spatial regulation contributes to (re)produc-
ing urban space in ways that call into question the local government’s stated support for
the “right to the city.”
Las geografías desiguales de la regulación espacial ponen de manifiesto algunas de las
contradicciones cada vez más evidentes entre la planificación espacial y la política social
en la Ciudad de México. En las áreas del centro, las aprobaciones regulatorias y varias
medidas de planificación han facilitado el aumento de los precios de la tierra y la vivienda
y formas más excluyentes de desarrollo urbano. En la periferia, la regulación del uso de la
tierra ahora condiciona el acceso a servicios urbanos, títulos de propiedad e incluso algu-
nos programas sociales para áreas de asentamiento designadas como "informales."
Comparar el papel del estado en la planificación en estos sitios distintos revela un patrón
de regulación espacial selectiva y desigual en diferentes territorios socioeconómicos de la
ciudad, caracterizados por aprobaciones “fast-track” de desarrollo en áreas del centro y
regularización “slow-track” de asentamientos en áreas periféricas. El análisis se centra en
cómo la regulación del uso de la tierra se enreda y articula con la exclusión y la mar-
ginalidad y cómo la regulación espacial desigual contribuye a (re) producir espacio urbano
de manera que cuestione el apoyo declarado del gobierno local por "el derecho a la ciudad."
Jill Wigle is an associate professor in the Department of Geography and Environmental Studies at
Carleton University, Ottawa. Recent publications include (with coauthor Priscilla Connolly) “(Re)
constructing informality and ‘doing regularization’ in the conservation zone of Mexico City,” in
Planning Theory and Practice (2017), and “De áreas verdes a zonas grises: gobernanza del espacio
y asentamientos irregulares en Xochimilco, Ciudad de México,” in Antonio Azuela (ed.), La ciudad
y sus reglas: Sobre la huella del derecho en el orden urbano (2016). She thanks four LAP reviewers for
their insightful comments and Liette Gilbert, Priscilla Connolly, and Lorena Zárate for their help-
ful input on an earlier draft of this article. Funding for this research was provided by the Social
Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada Standard Research Grant/410-2011-2427.
898199LAPXXX10.1177/0094582X19898199Latin American PerspectivesWigle / Spatial Regulation in Mexico City
research-article2020
Wigle / SPATIAL REGULATION IN MEXICO CITY 57
Keywords: Spatial regulation, Social policy, Regularization, Informality, Mexico
City
Since the restoration of local elections in 1997, the Mexico City government
has received kudos for initiating a range of new social programs. Introduced
by local governments led by the Partido de la Revolución Democrática
(Revolutionary Democratic Party—PRD), these programs have supported
community kitchens, school uniforms, a food pension for seniors, and upgrad-
ing in marginalized communities, among other initiatives.1 These programs
have been recognized for their attention to citizen participation and vulnerable
social groups, with some receiving international awards.2 The progressive bent
of these and other urban policies has featured prominently in the way each new
local administration has promoted itself: A City for All (1997–2000), the
Equitable City and the City of Hope (2000–2006), Vanguard City and City in
Movement (2006–2012), and Let’s Decide Together and Social Capital (2012–
2018). As these slogans suggest, these policies have been integral to the political
branding of the city’s PRD-led governments (1997–2018).
The city’s progressive policy bent is also visible in the Mexico City Charter
for the Right to the City, a proclamation signed by Mayor Marcelo Ebrard
Casaubón (2006–2012) in a downtown Mexico City theater in July 2010. The
charter embraces several strategic directions for enhancing urban and commu-
nity life in the city, such as the right of residents to participate in decisions
concerning the planning and production of urban space (Wigle and Zárate,
2010). The charter also affirms the “social function of the city, of land, and of
property” (Comité Promotor, 2010: 11),3 defined as
the distribution and regulation of the use of territory and the equitable usu-
fruct of the commons, services, and opportunities offered by the city, prioritiz-
ing the collectively defined public interest. Its objective consists of guaranteeing
the right of all persons to a safe place in which to live in peace and with dignity
through the generation of participative spaces and instruments to reduce and
control speculation, urban segregation, exclusion, and forced evictions and
displacements.
This concept is integral to the city’s commitment to the “right to the city,”
now incorporated into the Mexico City Constitution (CDMX 2017a). Beyond
the kudos and signed declarations, however, actual urban development pat-
terns warrant closer scrutiny given their implications for exclusion and margin-
ality. This task is taken up here by examining the impacts of the city’s uneven
geographies of spatial regulation.
In many cities, spatial planning and social programs are operationalized
through different agencies and treated as separate policy realms. Mexico City
is no exception, with its different agencies and programs for housing, social
development, and urban planning. For example, the Instituto de Vivienda
(Housing Institute—INVI) is charged with managing the city’s affordable
housing programs, including the Programa de Mejoramiento de Vivienda
(Housing Improvement Program—PMV). The PMV addresses housing prob-
lems related to overcrowding, precarious or dilapidated conditions, and

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