Family Capital: How First‐Generation Higher Education Students Break the Intergenerational Cycle

• DOI: http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3729.2008.00538.x
• Published date: 01 February 2009
• Author: Anat Gofen
• Date: 01 February 2009

Anat Gofen Hebrew University

Family Capital: How First-Generation Higher

Education Students Break the

Intergenerational Cycle

Individuals who attain a higher education,

whereas both their parents did not, embody the

realization of social mobility. They are referred

to as f‌irst-generation higher education students.

Previous analyses had often portrayed them as

succeeding despite their family background.

This research suggests that although they face

many challenges, their families are often facili-

tators of their success. In-depth, semistructured

interviews were used to collect data from Israeli

f‌irst-generation students (N¼50). We em-

ployed a grounded theory approach, and our

analysis reveals that breaking the intergenera-

tional cycle of educational level inheritance in-

volves day-to-day family life that prioritizes

education through nonmaterial resources. We

conceptualized this investment of nonmaterial

resources as family capital. A better under-

standing of this role is valuable for designing

eff‌icient policy.

Individuals who attain higher education, whereas

both their parents did not, are referred to as f‌irst-

generation higher education students (referred to

henceforth as f‌irst-generation students). First-

generation students embody the realization of

the social concept of ‘‘equal opportunity,’’ which

is manifested through one’s chances to acquire

education at any level independent of one’s

background. However, a long tradition of mobil-

ity research has demonstrated a strong link

between the educational level of parents and the

educational level of their offspring (Crosnoe,

Mistry, & Elder, 2002; Hauser, 1998; Haveman

& Wolfe, 1995; Solon, 2002). Evidence from

these studies indicates that to a large extent, chil-

dren inherit their parents’ educational level.

First-generation students break this pattern of

intergenerational inheritance of educational level;

put differently, they break the intergenerational

cycle where parents convey their educational

level to their offspring. Breaking that intergener-

ational cycle is not easy to achieve, making fami-

lies of f‌irst-generation students an exception to

the rule. Similar to the United States, there exists

only limited upward educational mobility in

Israel, and comparable background characteris-

tics, such as family income, place of birth of par-

ents, and educational level of parents, predict the

educational attainment level of the family off-

spring (Dahan,Dvir, Mironichev, & Shye, 2003).

In the United States, f‌irst-generation students

have been the focus of a growing body of research

primarily because of an increasing demographic

diversity in postsecondary education and growth

in the number of f‌irst-generation college students

(Choy, 2001; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1998). The

importance of f‌irst-generation students is that

their educational mobility leads to social mobility

as education is the key for many other aspects of

well-being (Cohen & Geske, 1990; Haveman &

Wolfe, 1984). Prevailing research has focused

School of Public Policy, Hebrew University, Mount Scopus,

Jerusalem 91905, Israel (anatgo@mscc.huji.ac.il).

Key Words: family relations, higher education, intergenera-

tional issues, qualitative research, social capital.

104 Family Relations 58 (February 2009): 104–120

A Publication of

the National Council on

Family Relations

on comparing f‌irst-generation students to their

peers (second-generation higher education stu-

dents) in various respects such as access rates,

academic achievements, academic expectations,

college experience, demographic characteristics,

and responses to intervention programs (Choy;

Pascarella & Terenzini; Terenzini, Springer,

Yaeger, Pascarella, & Nora, 1996). As a result,

we appear to know much about the life of f‌irst-

generation college students not only during their

college years but also about their life prior to col-

lege. Nevertheless, surprisingly little is known

about the process that enabled those students to

become the f‌irst in their families to attend college.

Furthermore, we seem to know much about the

persistence of educational level but little about

breaking this cycle. To shed light on the issue

of intergenerational inheritance, this article ex-

amines those families whose offspring succeeded

in breaking this intergenerational cycle by attain-

ing higher education even though both their par-

ents did not. These families are exceptional, as the

more common pattern is for children whose par-

ents did not go to college to also have low levels

of education. For example, Choy (2001) com-

pared access rates of f‌irst-generation students to

college students whose parents have a college

degree. Her f‌indings indicate that among those

whose parents did not attain college degree,

27% of 1992 high school graduates went on to

college. This rate increased to 75% among those

whose parents had some college experience and

to 93% among those who have at least one parent

with an undergraduate degree. In Israel, we see

a similar trend in that the chances of an individual

to attain higher education are six times higher if

one of that person’s parents attained postsecond-

ary education (Otiker, 2008).

The present study was guided by the following

questions: Subsequent to the wide conception

that parental education level is inherited on one

hand, and on the other, both of their parents did

not attain college, how do f‌irst-generation stu-

dents explain their higher education attainment?

What strategies can be identif‌ied that support

their educational achievements? What is the

source of these strategies? On the basis of the nar-

ratives of these students, this study attempted to

uncover what enables f‌irst-generation students

to break the intergenerational cycle. The fact that

little is known about breaking the intergenera-

tional cycle of educational inheritance led us to

take a qualitative approach, which is preferable

when the aim is to improve the understanding of

a phenomenon where little is known (Strauss &

Corbin, 1990). In addition, by taking a qualitative

approach, the present study aimed to provide rich

and in-depth data that enabled us to elicit the pro-

cess of the intergenerational breakthrough. Fur-

thermore, we did not frame a hypothesis about

the specif‌ic nature of the strategies. Our general

hypothesis was that the strategies will involve

the families,the schools, the community,teachers,

and maybe other mentors.

First-Generation Higher Education Students

One of the trends in postsecondary education in

the United States is a growing number of f‌irst-

generation students (e.g., Baker & Velez, 1996;

Kojaku & Nunez, 1998). The National Center

for Education Statistics (1998) concluded that

during the years 1993 – 1996, 47% of college stu-

dents were f‌irst-generation students compared to

43% during the years 1989 – 1990 (Nunez &

Cuccaro-Alamin, 1998). Comparisons between

f‌irst-generation students to their peers provide

evidence concerning the distinct disadvantages

of f‌irst-generation students before college years,

during college years, and after college years.

Before college years, these disadvantages en-

compass a lack of essential knowledge about

postsecondary education (e.g., the enrollment

process and f‌inancial demands), low level of

family income, lack of family support, minimal

educational expectations and plans, and little aca-

demic preparation in high school (e.g., Berkner,

Horn, & Clune, 2000; Horn & Nunez, 2000;

Hossler, Schmit, & Vesper, 1999; Stage &

Hossler, 1989). During and after college years,

this disadvantage is further ref‌lected in high rates

of dropout before completing a degree, in lower

chances to attain a bachelor’s degree, and through

early career labor market outcomes (Berkner

et al.; Horn, 1998; Richardson & Skinner, 1992;

Warburton, Bugarin, & Nunez, 2001). Also,

evaluation studies of intervention programs

offered during college years indicate that pro-

grams that help f‌irst-generation students also help

their peers, but programs that helped those peers

did not necessarily help f‌irst-generation students

(Gullat & Jan, 2003; Thayer, 2000).

Not only do f‌irst-generation students confront

the anxieties, dislocations, and diff‌iculties of

any college student, their experiences often also

involve substantial cultural as well as social and

academic transitions (London, 1989). Evaluating

family background and parental involvement

Family Capital 105